Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Economics, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xvii, 200 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Douglas E. Crews, Dept. of Anthropology. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 175-186).

Rapid urbanization of India in recent years has increased the wealth of the country and along with it, raised the urban slum population. Slum dwellers typically live below the poverty line and have no or minimal access to clean water, sanitation, education and public health. The urban unattended birth rate is attributable mainly to women in slums in big Indian cities who face many hurdles in accessing public healthcare facilities. To deal with this issue, the government of India initiated the “National Urban Health Mission” (NUHM) in 2013, which focused on the reduction of maternal and infant mortality rate. This program was preceded by the “National Rural Health Mission” (NRHM) in 2005, which was implemented to rural areas of India with similar ideals, and managed to lower maternal and infant mortality rates. This paper is a critical appraisal of the NUHM scheme by analyzing the achievements, loop holes and setbacks of the previously introduced NRHM upon which the NUHM is based. While the NRHM achieved improvement in attended birth rates, it did not consider various factors that play a key role in the care seeking behavior of women such as maternal education level, social factors and norms. The NUHM also excludes these factors from the scope of the program. The aim of this paper is to analyze the results of the NRHM in assessing whether the NUHM can meet its goals and expectations. Method: Information was extracted mainly from government of India sources such as District Level Health Surveys 2 and 3 (DLHS-2 and DLHS-3), National Family Health Survey- 3 (NFHS-3) and the Census of India, 2011 until July 2013. Articles were searched from PubMed, Google and Google scholar using the key words unattended birth, skilled birth, India, urban, slum. Conclusion of Abstract: A unified approach involving the ministry of health, ministry of education and communication and media is needed to deal effectively in implementing the NUHM and sustaining the NRHM. / published_or_final_version / Community Medicine / Master / Master of Public Health

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Reviewed 06/2015; Originally published: 02/2001 / 2 pp. / According to all available evidence, there are 20 total nutrients necessary for complete plant growth and development. Not all are required for all plants, but all have been found to be essential to some.

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<p>Current theories of marriage and family formation behavior tend to rely on the assumption that people can and do consciously plan both fertility and marriage and post-hoc intentions should align with a priori reasons for action (Fishbein & Azjen 2010). However, research shows this is not always the case and researchers have labeled inconsistencies between pre- and post- reports of intentions and behavior as retrospective bias. Researchers such as Bongaarts (1990) have tried to create models that minimize this "bias".</p><p> The Theory of Conjunctural Action is a new model that can explain, rather than explain away, this "bias" (Johnson-Hanks et al. 2011; Morgan and Bachrach 2011). This new theoretical innovation uses insights about the workings of the mind to gain a greater understanding of how individuals report family formation decisions and how and why they might change over time. In this theory, individuals experience conjunctures (or social context which exists in the material world) and use cognitive schemas (or frames within the mind through which individuals use to interpret the world around them). These schemas are multiple and the set can change over time as individuals incorporate new experiences into them. </p><p> In this dissertation, I explore how and why pre- and post- reports of intentions may be different using insights from the Theory of Conjunctural Action. In the second chapter, using data from the NLSY79 and log-linear models, I show that there are considerable inconsistencies between prospective and retrospective reports of fertility intentions. Specifically, nearly 6% of births (346 out of 6022) are retrospectively reported as unwanted at the time of conception by women who prospectively reported they wanted more children one or two years prior to the birth. Similarly, over 400 births are retrospectively reported as wanted by women who intended to have no more births one or two years prior (i.e., in the prior survey wave). The innovation here is to see this inconsistency, not as an error in reporting, but as different construals of a seemingly similar question. In other words, women may not be consciously intending births and then enacting these intentions; rather women may have different schemas (or meanings) of prospective and retrospective measures of fertility intentions.</p><p> The next chapter uses this same data to test if women use different schemas to guide their reporting of prospective and retrospective fertility intentions. Again, using insights from the Theory of Conjunctural Action, I expect that different schemas (represented by different sets of variables) predict prospective and retrospective wantedness differentially. I show that retrospective reports of wantedness are guided more by age, marital status, education, job satisfaction, and educational enrollment at birth, while prospective wantedness was guided more by number of children desired and how many children they currently have. I show four logistic models predicting wanted verses unwanted births. I then compared the model fit of logistic models predicting prospective wanted verses unwanted births using the hypothesized prospective and retrospective schema variables and I did the same for the models of retrospective wantedness. I find that when women report retrospective wantedness, they are guided more by the hypothesized variables. </p><p> Finally, in the last empirical paper, because schemas are difficult to measure, I build a methodology, Network Text Analysis, to measure schemas and to understand the schemas surrounding marriage and fertility for low-income Blacks who have not yet had children. I use interview data from the Becoming Parents and Partners Study (BPP), a sample of young, unmarried, childless adults with low incomes. I use these data to explore schemas of childbearing and marriage. Contrary to previous findings that low-income parents do not link marriage and fertility and have different requirements for marriage and fertility, I find that marriage and childbearing are indeed linked and have similar requirements for low-income Blacks prior to childbearing. Low income Blacks hold quite traditional views about the role of marriage and its sequencing vis-à-vis fertility. I argue that the material constraints to marital childbearing may lead to non-marital births and thus respondents sever schemas connecting marriage and childbearing and adopt other schemas of childbearing to provide ad hoc justifications for their behavior.</p> / Dissertation