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In this thesis, I examine the complexities involved in the representation of trauma in both aesthetic and ideological configurations in the relationship between the generic experience of modernity and particular historical events of atrocity. This relationship continues from the discourse of social and moral degradation and the rise of modem psychiatry, to the idea of artistic and literary creation. The discourse of trauma has become intrinsically linked to the aesthetic in the configuration of the experience of modernity that points not only to the problematisation of the self but also the crisis of representation. Starting from the discourse of trauma surrounding the experience of the First World War, the thesis examines the language of technology and mechanisation as a means for overcoming the traumatic experience of the war in the work of Ernst Jünger and other writers and artists across the political spectrum during the Weimar period. I also investigate the aesthetic configurations of `depersonalisation' and `impersonality' as they are figured in the texts and images of the European Avant-garde particularly, the Neue Sachlichkeit, and the thematic origins of the image of trauma since the early modem period. I also examine the pathological rhetoric of disintegration and decay in the discourse of war trauma in the work of Louis-Ferdinand Celine. The thesis proposes that there is a reactionary tendency in the image of disintegration, decay and fragmentation in particular avantgarde movements such as the Neue Sachlichkeit, Expressionism and Surrealism. I conclude that the representation of trauma is intrinsic to diverse political and aesthetic positions articulated through rhetorical strategies in the discourse of scientific rationalism, technological progress, the medical sciences and the modernist aesthetic of fragmentation and disfiguration. In the final part of the thesis, I investigate these aesthetic and ideological themes in the contemporary discourse of trauma surrounding the representation of the Holocaust, particularly the construction of the `Holocaust museum' and its artefacts through examining the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington D. C. and the Jewish Museum in Berlin.

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This project is both a wartime biography and an examination of the American effort in France during the First World War. At its core, the narrative follows the military career of Major General James G. Harbord. His time in France saw Harbord serve in the three main areas of the American Expeditionary Forces: administration, combat, and logistics. As chief of staff to AEF commander General John J. Pershing, Harbord was at the center of the formation of the AEF and the development of its administrative policies. He organized and managed the AEF General Staff and served as Pershing's most trusted subordinate. In May of 1918, Harbord transferred to the fighting line, taking over command of the 4th "Marine" Brigade. During his time with the 4th Brigade, and later as commander of the 2nd Division, Harbord played a significant part in the battles of Belleau Wood and Soissons. A dedicated supporter of Pershing's tactics of "open" warfare, Harbord's failings as a combat commander showed the limits of American tactical experience. For the final four months of the war, Harbord took over control of the AEF's logistical system, the Services of Supply. Though he proved an able administrator, the American supply system approached total collapse in the fall of 1918, and was prevented only by the signing of the Armistice. In all three of these roles, Harbord embodied the emergence of the military manager in the American army. The First World War illustrates that war had grown so large and complex that it required officers whose primary talents lay not in leading men in combat, but in the areas of administration and management of large bureaucratic organizations. James Harbord was one of the first, and best, examples of this new type of officer.

The First World War left few untouched on Canada’s Native reserves: many councils donated money to war funds, thousands of men enlisted and their families sought support from the Military and war-specific charities, and most became involved in the debate over whether Native men could be conscripted and the implications that decision could have for broader Native-government relations. Much of the extant literature on Native participation in the war has paired enthusiastic Native engagement with the Canadian government’s shabby treatment. However, in many different ways and with many different goals, Native peoples achieved significant success in determining the parameters of their participation in the war. Yet, the resolution of these debates between Native peoples and the Canadian government, specifically the Department of Indian Affairs, inadvertently (from the Native perspective) cemented the Indian Act’s key role in Native peoples’ lives, displacing other foundational agreements and traditional organizational principles of reserve life. Native peoples’ varied participation in the First World War paradoxically saw Natives temporarily take control of their relationship with the Canadian government, but in the end brought them more completely under the authority of the Department of Indian Affairs.