The social sciences have spearheaded much of the discussion about sexuality in academia, and the various subfields have within them their own versions of sex research that investigate the factors that make up our sexuality. The study at hand unites the field of linguistics with a non-English language, Spanish, to further bridge the gap in sex research. Three primary sources are consulted, a novel; CREA, the Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual; and a public sexual education packet to see how the language of sexuality manifests in different types of media. The guiding question for this research is as follows: what do we need to know about the sexual vocabulary of Spanish to understand Spanish sexuality? To answer this question, a qualitative study is conducted on the existing sexual vocabulary of Spanish. It was found that Spanish sexual vocabulary can be analyzed with a schema that presents metaphors for Identity, Risk, Apostasy, Legitimization, and Inclusion. With the presentation of this schema, the field of sexuality studies gains a new perspective and a new way to evaluate attitudes about sexuality. There is a growing need in linguistics for qualitative data, and studies like this one offer a solution to this lack of qualitative information, as well as a methodology designed to handle qualitative data.

ABSTRACT: The present study examines the effects that U.S. President Donald Trumps political campaign has had on public opinion of Mexican immigrants. By examining the long history of oppression of Mexicans on U.S. soil and even prior to the establishment of the U.S., the study creates a base and then employs a discourse analysis that proves that Trumps rhetoric is perpetuating some of the same stereotypes that have followed Mexicans since Europeans began settling in the Americas. Public opinion was gauged using a carefully constructed survey and the results show that overall, Trumps harsh stereotypical rhetoric has spurred a narrative of defiance in U.S. citizens. They are hearing Trumps harsh words and outwardly opposing them, choosing inclusivity and love as a response to exclusivity and hatred. Among the more negative responses there were a few stereotypical themes that did come up including language discrimination, allusion to various stereotypes and assumed difference. Though there were some participants that clearly took a dominant decoding of Trumps rhetoric and are indeed perpetuating his negative stereotypical ideals, the vast majority of participants in the present study showed a great defiance and acceptance for difference, a trend that has clearly arisen in the U.S. as a result of Trumps campaign and now presidency.

Judith Butler argues that gender is a performative cultural construction; this analysis is taken to further means of discussion in reference to the revelation of sex and gender as both cultural and social constructions. Sex and gender appear as a result of heteornormative regulations imposed onto social actors, arguing that these constructions are essences naturally attached to the human body. The constructions of the sex/gender system are inflicted by a regulative discourse. In the heterocentric society this discursive control is implemented through social norms which enforce male with masculinity and female with femininity. Through various analyses of contra-hegemonic cultural and artistic productions, this thesis focuses on the deconstruction of the heteronormative discourse. The artists and theorists whose critiques and performances are analyzed reveal a fluidity in the defected social and cultural constructions of sex and gender. These categories are dismantled through the same discourse that maintains them as normative essences by a means of collectivity through a multitude of voices and experiences. Itziar Ziga (Spain) and Sayak Valencia (Mexico) utilize the discursive power as a tool of deconstruction to portray various examples of the flawed naturalness that society depicts as rigid. Through the use of blogs, a resistance is established against the normative impositions by way of queer activism. The blogs, Parole de Queer (Spain) and Potencia Tortillera (Argentina), publish the works of individuals which the heterocentric regime classifies as social deviants. By demonstrating that sex and gender are not naturally appended to individuals and their bodies the dissident voices that appear in this work articulate a counterargument to the heteronormative discourse. A resistance to heterosexual control is highlighted within this thesis by engaging in a discussion with these constructions through means of bodily demonstrations and performances.

M.Comm. / Attraction of new inward FDI globally, especially in the developing countries, is problematic. Economic development practitioners have recently started to prioritise the retention and growing of existing investments to enhance their economic development agenda. There are few studies that provide any guidance to investment aftercare practitioners faced with this alternative economic development option. The main aim of this study is to obtain a better understanding of and to investigate the relationship between investment aftercare and inward FDI in South Africa. Investment aftercare is defined as post-investment services that an investment promotion agency (IPA) can offer to existing investors (Loewendahl 2001:25). Six research questions were investigated in this study, namely, how do IPAs allocate financial and human resources to investment aftercare function in relation to other investment promotion functions? Do IPAs in South Africa have dedicated and comprehensive investment aftercare strategies and how often are they reviewing these strategies? What factors limit IPAs’ ability to provide effective investment aftercare services? What investment aftercare models are used by IPAs within South Africa? Are IPAs evaluating the impact of their investment aftercare programmes? Which government level is most appropriate to offer investment aftercare services? Both quantitative and qualitative research methodologies are used in this study to address these six research questions and theoretical frameworks are selected to define the scope of the research. A structured questionnaire was used to collate data and 30 face-to-face interviews were conducted with 16 investment aftercare practitioners and 14 investment aftercare executives from IPAs in seven of the nine provinces of South Africa.

by To Woon-cheung. / Bibliography : leaves 92-94 / Thesis (M.B.A.) -Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1982

決定美國外交政策的因素是多樣的，有國內因素與國外因素。概括而言，影響其外交決策的國內政治力量有總統、國務院及國務卿，國防部、國會，利益集團同媒體等等，而上述各個權力體都會受到公眾輿論的限制。可以說，公眾輿論是美國這個民主政體的外交行為不可忽視的影響力量。早至上世紀中葉，以沃爾特李普曼為代表的一批國際關係專家曾掀起研究公眾輿論的熱潮，李普曼、阿爾蒙德等持現實主義理論的學者認為公眾輿論不具有穩定性和理性，其情緒化，變幻莫測還容易收到外界影響，不應影響一國的外交決策。爭鋒相對的，自由主義理論的支持者則堅持公眾有權利參與外交決策，也有能力從國家利益出發理性地參與外交問題。 / 自由主義和現實主義理論關於公眾輿論的認識是從不同角度出發去理解公眾輿論在外交決策領域的作用，因此二者難分上下，也不分對錯，一再糾纏與兩種理論的爭鋒不利於我們瞭解美國公眾輿論和外交決策的真實關係。本研究即是從此出發點考慮，跳出理論之爭，而將研究的重點集中於分析公眾輿論是如何在具體的情境中與政府互動的。筆者將通過對1940年代這一政策調整頻繁時期《紐約時報》對華新聞報導的分析，來考察在宋美齡訪美、重慶談判、承認中華人民共和國等歷史事件中美國民眾、媒體態度的變化以及政府在其中的角色如何。本研究的創新之處則在於從小處，即《紐約時報》的新聞報導著手看公眾輿論與美國外交決策這一宏觀互動關係的具體形式，希望有助於美國政治文化的研究。 / Over the past six decades since the founding of the People's Republic of China, our understanding of the Sino-U.S. relations has undergone considerable revisions. From the beginning of the Cold War to President Nixon’s visit to China, U.S. and China had been from enemies to friends, rivals to partners, later with the rise of China as one important power of world politics as well as economy, the balance between relations of U.S. and China flows with the distinguished definition of national interests. Therefore, the images of China in American eyes were never belonged to any stable type, public opinion in the U.S. has developed many different perspectives on China. / Public Opinion plays an interesting role in shaping U.S. foreign policy, and the academic community and political observers have repeatedly debated on elaborations of its influence. To examine whether public opinion has participated in the policy making process of U.S. diplomacy is one good way to investigate if the development and expansion of government institutions would undermine the operation of liberal democracy and infringe on personal liberties. / In order to answer the question in how Public Opinion influences the Government in foreign policy making and how the government, the media and Public interacted, I will conduct empirical studies and News analysis to interpret the New York Times News reports concerning U.S. Foreign Policy towards China in the 1940s. By investigating the interactive relations among the U.S. government, the media represented by New York Times and Public Opinion, I intend to conclude that Public Opinion do play an important role in the foreign policy making process, and the way the Government and Public perceive national interest defines the patterns of their interactions. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李佳. / "2012年8月". / "2012 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-97). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Li Jia. / 目錄 --- p.iii / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 《紐約時報》的歷史與風格 --- p.8 / Chapter 第三章 --- 宋美齡訪美 --- p.15 / Chapter （一）、 --- 宋美齡的美國之行 --- p.16 / Chapter （二）、 --- 《紐約時報》的新聞報導與“宋美齡訪美的真相 --- p.19 / Chapter （三）、 --- 結論 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四章 --- “重慶談判 --- p.39 / Chapter （一）、 --- “重慶談判 --- p.39 / Chapter （二）、 --- 《紐約時報》有關“重慶談判的新聞報導及其背景 --- p.41 / Chapter 1、 --- 《紐約時報》與“重慶談判的背景 --- p.41 / Chapter 2、 --- 《紐約時報》對“重慶談判經過的報導 --- p.44 / Chapter （三）、 --- 結論 --- p.61 / Chapter 第五章 --- 美國在承認新中國問題上的爭論 --- p.63 / Chapter （一）、 --- 承認問題始末 --- p.63 / Chapter （二）、 --- 《紐約時報》關於“承認新中國問題的報導和美國在承認問題上的態度 --- p.65 / Chapter （三）、 --- 結論 --- p.86 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結語 --- p.89 / p.94 / p.94 / p.96 / Chapter 附錄： --- 《紐約時報》資料列表 --- p.98

Chung, Lok Wai. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 254-271). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract / --- p.i / Acknowledgments/ --- p.iii / Table of Content / --- p.iv / List of Tables / --- p.ix / Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- Theoretical background --- p.2 / Chapter 2. --- Research questions --- p.6 / Chapter 3. --- Explanatory Variables and Hypothesis: --- p.7 / Chapter 4. --- Main Findings --- p.9 / Chapter 5. --- Research methodology --- p.10 / Chapter 6. --- Research significance --- p.11 / Chapter 7. --- Structure of the thesis --- p.12 / Chapter Chapter One: --- Literature Review --- p.15 / Chapter 1. --- Debate between ideas and interests in International Relations --- p.16 / Chapter 1.1. --- Conceptualization --- p.17 / Chapter 1.2. --- How idea affects policy: three pathways? --- p.19 / Chapter 1.3. --- Interest matter? --- p.20 / Chapter 1.4. --- How is it formed? --- p.22 / Chapter 1.5. --- End of idealism and rationalism debate? --- p.23 / Chapter 2. --- Debate between epistemic community with other communities --- p.28 / Chapter 2.1. --- How expert group works --- p.31 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- Uncertainty --- p.31 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- Cause and effect relationships --- p.32 / Chapter 2.1.3. --- Define self-interests --- p.33 / Chapter 2.1.4. --- Formulate policy --- p.33 / Chapter 2.2. --- Difference between epistemic community with other groups --- p.33 / Chapter 2.3. --- How to affect policy --- p.35 / Chapter 2.4. --- Transnational Advocacy Network --- p.38 / Chapter 2.4.1. --- What is network --- p.38 / Chapter 2.4.2. --- What is transnationalism --- p.40 / Chapter 2.4.3. --- What is transnational advocacy network? --- p.42 / Chapter 2.4.4. --- How Transnational Advocacy Network works? --- p.44 / Chapter 2.4.5. --- What conditions do advocacy networks have influence? --- p.46 / Chapter 3. --- Application to the North Korea case --- p.47 / Chapter Chapter Two: --- North Korea Economy: General Review and Trend Development --- p.50 / Chapter 1. --- History of North Korea --- p.50 / Chapter 2. --- Overview: From 50s to 2002 --- p.52 / Chapter 1.1. --- Economic Philosophy: Juche --- p.53 / Chapter 1.2. --- 70-80s --- p.55 / Chapter 1.3. --- After the Cold War --- p.56 / Chapter 1.4. --- Famine: 1995 --- p.58 / Chapter 1.5. --- 2002 Reform --- p.58 / Chapter 1.5.1. --- Prices rising and increase in wages based on performance --- p.60 / Chapter 1.5.2. --- Enhancement of self-management of enterprises --- p.61 / Chapter 1.5.3. --- Devaluation of exchange rate --- p.62 / Chapter 1.5.4. --- Farm reform --- p.62 / Chapter 1.5.5. --- Attracting foreign direct investment --- p.63 / Chapter 3. --- North Korean Economy in 2005-2007 --- p.63 / Chapter 3.1 --- Lack of substantial changes --- p.64 / Chapter 3.1.1. --- Slow down the rapid change --- p.64 / Chapter 3.1.2. --- Focus on security/nuclear issue --- p.65 / Chapter 3.1.3. --- Adverse feedback from the July Reform --- p.67 / Chapter 3.2. --- Detrimental Economic Situation --- p.70 / Chapter 4. --- Conclusion --- p.71 / Chapter Chapter Three: --- EU-DPRK Relations: From Governmental to Non-Governmental … --- p.73 / Chapter 1. --- EU-Asia Relations: In general --- p.73 / Chapter 2. --- EU-DPRK: Historical review --- p.76 / Chapter 2.1. --- Cold War Era --- p.76 / Chapter 2.2. --- Post Cold War era --- p.78 / Chapter 2.3. --- After 9-11 --- p.80 / Chapter 3. --- EU-DPRK Relations: Governmental Level --- p.82 / Chapter 3.1. --- EU Perspective --- p.82 / Chapter 3.1.1. --- Motives --- p.82 / Chapter 3.1.2. --- Strategy: Quiet and Engagement diplomacy --- p.83 / Chapter 3.1.3. --- Political perspective --- p.85 / Chapter 3.1.3.1. --- Political dialogue --- p.85 / Chapter 3.1.3.2. --- Diplomatic recognition --- p.87 / Chapter 3.1.3.3. --- Nuclear and security problem --- p.88 / Chapter 3.1.4. --- Economic perspective --- p.89 / Chapter 3.1.4.1. --- Trade --- p.89 / Chapter 3.1.4.2. --- Economic Assistance --- p.91 / Chapter 3.1.4.3. --- Food aid --- p.91 / Chapter 3.1.4.4. --- Technological Transfer --- p.93 / Chapter 3.2. --- DPRK Perspective --- p.96 / Chapter 3.2.1. --- Motives --- p.96 / Chapter 3.2.2. --- Strategy: Pragmatic but gradually open --- p.98 / Chapter 3.2.2.1. --- Pragmatic policy --- p.98 / Chapter 3.2.2.2. --- Open Policy --- p.100 / Chapter 4. --- EU-DPRK relations: Non-Governmental Level --- p.103 / Chapter 4.1. --- NGOs and North Korea --- p.104 / Chapter 4.2. --- Humanitarian NGOs in North Korea --- p.105 / Chapter 4.2.1. --- Period: 1995-1998 --- p.106 / Chapter 4.2.2. --- Period: 1998 -1999 --- p.108 / Chapter 4.2.3. --- Period: 1998 to present --- p.110 / Chapter 4.3. --- Debate among European NGOs: Hard-landing vs. Change through Rapproachment? --- p.111 / Chapter 5. --- Conclusion --- p.114 / Chapter Chapter Four: --- Pushing the envelope: new forms of political advocacy generated by NGOs: analysis on the two EU-DPRK Workshops organized by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation --- p.116 / Chapter 1. --- FNF and the expert group generated by it --- p.117 / Chapter 1.1. --- Shared Normative and Principled Belief --- p.119 / Chapter 1.2. --- Shared Causal Belief --- p.122 / Chapter 1.3. --- Shared Notions of Validity --- p.125 / Chapter 1.4. --- A Common Policy Enterprise --- p.126 / Chapter 2. --- "Experts groups in FNF matters: How did the ideas developed, transferred and influenced the policymakers in North Korea" --- p.128 / Chapter 2.1. --- Transnational actor characteristics --- p.131 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- Participants of the expert group --- p.131 / Chapter 2.1.1.1. --- Workshop in 2004 --- p.132 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- Consensus among community members --- p.134 / Chapter 2.1.3. --- Density among members --- p.136 / Chapter 2.1.4. --- Resources of FNF --- p.137 / Chapter 2.2. --- The specific need of policy suggestion from North Korea --- p.140 / Chapter 2.2.1. --- The existence of uncertainty --- p.141 / Chapter 2.3. --- Communication Process --- p.145 / Chapter 2.3.1. --- Networking Building --- p.145 / Chapter 2.3.1.1. --- Seminar --- p.145 / Chapter 2.3.1.2. --- Study Tour/ Training seminar --- p.147 / Chapter 2.3.2. --- Channels --- p.149 / Chapter 2.3.2.1. --- Conference --- p.149 / Chapter 2.3.2.2 --- Presentation --- p.151 / Chapter 2.3.2.3. --- General Discussion and working groups --- p.152 / Chapter 2.3.2.4. --- Field Visit --- p.154 / Chapter 2.3.2.5. --- Lunch/Coffee Break and Dinner --- p.155 / Chapter 2.4. --- Institutionalization of advice --- p.155 / Chapter 2.5. --- Communication strategies --- p.158 / Chapter 2.6. --- Policies recommendation and ideas shared during the two conferences --- p.160 / Chapter 2.6.1. --- Workshop on Economic Reforms and the Development of Economic Relations between the EU and the DPRK (31 August to 4 September 2004) --- p.160 / Chapter 2.6.2. --- Second Workshop on Economic Reform and the Development of Economic Relations between the EU and the DPRK (12-14 October 2005) --- p.171 / Chapter 3. --- Conclusion --- p.188 / Chapter Chapter Five: --- The Distinctive Path of North Korean Reform and the Policy Impacts of the Expert Group --- p.190 / Chapter 1. --- Similarities between North Korea and Central and Eastern Europe --- p.190 / Chapter 2. --- From ideas to policy: What are policy impacts from the expert group to the North Korea economic reform? --- p.195 / Chapter 2.1 --- IT and software development --- p.195 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- Case one: Nosotek --- p.196 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- Case two: Pyongyang International Technology and Infrastructure Exhibition (PITIE) 2006 --- p.198 / Chapter 2.2. --- The strengthening of the small and medium enterprises (SMEs)in mining industry --- p.200 / Chapter 2.3. --- Policies to attract FDI --- p.204 / Chapter 2.4. --- Legal development --- p.205 / Chapter 2.4.1. --- Case one: Pyongyang Law Office --- p.206 / Chapter 2.4.2. --- Case two: Birindelli & Associati --- p.207 / Chapter 2.4.3. --- "Law on the Assessment of Environmental Effects in North Korea (Mar. 10, 2006)" --- p.208 / Chapter 2.5. --- Trade fairs --- p.210 / Chapter 2.5.1. --- The Pyongyang Autumn International Trade Fair (PAITT) 2006-2008 --- p.211 / Chapter 3. --- Conclusion --- p.212 / Conclusion: --- p.214 / Chapter 1. --- Research Implications --- p.215 / Chapter 1.1. --- Revisit the debate between scholarship and policy-making in Political Science --- p.215 / Chapter 1.1.1. --- Bridge-Building Perspective --- p.216 / Chapter 1.1.2. --- Independence Perspective --- p.218 / Chapter 1.2. --- Revisit of the theory of epistemic community and transnational advocacy network --- p.221 / Chapter 1.3. --- Re-examine the debate between shock therapy and gradualism --- p.223 / Chapter 1.4. --- Re-evaluate the importance of EU on North Korea --- p.225 / Chapter 2. --- Conclusion --- p.227 / Appendix 1: Participants of the two EU-DPRK Workshops --- p.229 / Appendix 2: Debate between shock therapy and gradualism approach in economic transformation --- p.240 / Chapter 1. --- Shock therapy --- p.241 / Chapter 1.1. --- Agent analysis --- p.242 / Chapter 1.2. --- Programs analysis --- p.243 / Chapter 1.2.1. --- Price liberalization --- p.243 / Chapter 1.2.2. --- Privatization --- p.243 / Chapter 1.2.3. --- Institutional design --- p.244 / Chapter 1.2.4. --- Monetary policy --- p.245 / Chapter 1.2.5. --- Fiscal Policy --- p.245 / Chapter 1.2.6. --- International trade --- p.246 / Chapter 1.3. --- Ideas analysis --- p.247 / Chapter 2. --- Gradualism --- p.249 / Chapter 2.1. --- Agent analysis --- p.250 / Chapter 2.2. --- Progress analysis --- p.251 / Bibliography --- p.254

The continuing failure of our education system to meet the needs of minority group students, who continue to walk through classroom doors in increasing numbers, provided the initial impetus for this research project. Researchers, academics, and school practitioners need to examine carefully 'taken for granted' patterns of talk and behaviour that occur in schools every day, because for many children, these are not effective. This study is situated in a mainstream primary school classroom where children from diverse language and cultural backgrounds work and learn together. The importance of the interaction that occurs between teachers and children is discussed and numerous studies which focus on the role of discourse in students' language learning are critiqued. The fact that students in mainstream primary schools must learn language while using language for content learning, is considered to be of paramount importance, and so discourse that occurred during small group mathematics lessons provided the major source of data for the project. An aspect of this discourse, language functions of student initiated interactions, was examined in depth. A combination of quantitative and qualitative methods was used to look beyond the surface level of classroom discourse in an attempt to better understand why children interact as they do, or why they remain silent, appearing to be on the periphery of the learning opportunities which are designed to help them to succeed. Classroom observations and individual interviews provided insights into the complex and competing forces which shape the talk that occurs between students and their teachers. It was revealed that successful students have effective relationships with teachers, regardless of whether or not they share the same cultural background. These successful students are able to deploy a range of thinking and learning strategies. The importance of making the 'culture of the classroom' explicit is highlighted, along with the fact that teachers feel constrained by the demands of an overcrowded curriculum and the need to address individual learning needs of all of their students. Implications for classroom practice along with teacher training and professional development are proposed.

Thesis (M. A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Title proper from title frame. Also available in printed format.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 166-174).