David Chak Wing Tsui. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1989. / Bibliography: leaves 206-209.

顔鳳儀. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治與行政學部, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 127-139. / 中英文摘要. / Yan Fengyi. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 --- p.1-6 / Chapter 一、 --- 研究重點 --- p.2-3 / Chapter 二、 --- 研究原因 --- p.3-4 / Chapter 三、 --- 硏究方法 / Chapter 甲、 --- 硏究性質 --- p.4-5 / Chapter 乙、 --- 資料來源 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二章 --- 評述權力均衡理論及探討基辛格 對均勢外交理念的構想 --- p.7-26 / Chapter 一、 --- 權力均衡理論 / Chapter 甲、 --- 現實主義學說 --- p.7-9 / Chapter 乙、 --- 權力均衡理論槪念之釐淸 --- p.9-16 / Chapter 二、 --- 均勢外交理念的構想 / Chapter 甲、 --- 尼克遜與基辛格在七十年代 制定美國外交政策的關鍵角色 --- p.17-19 / Chapter 乙、 --- 均勢外交之構想 --- p.20-26 / Chapter 三、 --- 分析架構 --- p.26 / Chapter 第三章 --- 歷史史實的描述 --- p.27-61 / Chapter 一、 --- 釣魚台的歷史背景 / Chapter 甲、 --- 一九七二年前的釣魚台歷史背景 --- p.27-33 / Chapter 乙、 --- 九十年代的釣魚台事件 --- p.33-35 / Chapter 二、 --- 一九七二年前的中、美、日、台的關係 / Chapter 甲、 --- 七十年代前的中美關係 --- p.36-42 / Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代前的美日關係 --- p.43-49 / Chapter 丙、 --- 七十年代前的的中日關係 --- p.50-54 / Chapter 丁、 --- 轉變中的中、美、日關係 --- p.55-61 / Chapter 第四章 --- 運用權力均衡槪念去剖析釣魚台事件 --- p.62-116 / Chapter 一、 --- 美國一一「均勢體系」中的「均衡者」 --- p.62-79 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.62 / Chapter 乙、 --- 聯中制蘇 --- p.62-63 / Chapter 丙、 --- 釣魚台事件 / Chapter 1. --- 釣魚台對美國國防的重要性 --- p.64 / Chapter 2. --- 安撫日本 --- p.65-66 / Chapter 3. --- 均勢戰略考慮的長遠計謀 / Chapter (I) --- 遏制中國 --- p.67-74 / Chapter (II) --- 制約日本 --- p.75-77 / Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.77-79 / Chapter 二、 --- 日本一一「均勢體系」中的「從屬者」 --- p.80-95 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.80 / Chapter 乙、 --- 釣魚台對日本國防及經濟的重要性 --- p.80-82 / Chapter 丙、 --- 日本謀求成爲亞洲政治及軍事大國之野心 / Chapter 1. --- 美蘇冷戰格局下日本經濟迅速復興， 在九十年代成爲第二經濟大國 --- p.82-83 / Chapter 2. --- 日本經濟蓬勃發展後， 日本出現謀求成爲政治大國的野心 --- p.83-84 / Chapter 3 . --- 新保守主義思潮的興起 --- p.84-87 / Chapter 4 . --- 日本謀求成爲政治及軍事大國的障礙 --- p.87-89 / Chapter 5 . --- 日本明白美日同盟的重要性 --- p.89-91 / Chapter 丁、 --- 九六年日本遏制中國時機之來臨 / Chapter 1 . --- 《美日安保條約》的重新訂位 --- p.91-93 / Chapter 2 . --- 橋本內閣的重組 --- p.93-94 / Chapter 戊、 --- 小結 --- p.94-95 / Chapter 三) --- 台灣一一「均勢體系」的「從屬者」 --- p.96-104 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.96 / Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析 --- p.97-98 / Chapter 丙、 --- 九十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析 / Chapter 1. --- 釣魚事件牽涉了兩岸關係 --- p.99-100 / Chapter 2. --- 爭取美日友好，以擴展台灣的國際生存空間 --- p.101-103 / Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.104 / Chapter 四) --- 中國一一「均勢體系」的 「被敵視者」 --- p.105-116 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.105 / Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代中國低調處理釣魚台事件的分析 --- p.105-108 / Chapter 丙、 --- 九十年代中國低調處理釣魚台事件的分析 / Chapter 1. --- 出兵的顧慮 --- p.109-113 / Chapter 2. --- 不出兵的顧慮 --- p.113-115 / Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.116 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結語 --- p.117-126 / Chapter 一、 --- 中、美、日、台在釣魚台事件上所扮演的角色 --- p.118-121 / Chapter 二、 --- 「權力均衡」理論之適用性及現實性 --- p.121-126 / 主要參考書目（中文） / 主要參考書目（英文） / 主要參考報章雜誌

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In studying Western, especially French, imperialist action in China during the nineteenth century, this thesis argues that contemporary Sino-Western relations took various forms across various social strata on both sides, and the general terms used to classify them are erroneous: in effect, there was no "Chinese" response to "the West," since there were several, and vice-versa. In the first main section of the thesis, the historiographical accepted wisdom about China's reactions to Western intrusion are repudiated or qualified. The next section of the thesis deals with French imperialism, through the eyes of the French and other Westerners. In so far as one can speak generally of French aims, it is demonstrated that the French both at home and abroad in general exploited China almost solely for national prestige. The next part looks at the variety of responses among four classes of Chinese people to Western intrusion, and the lasting legacy of Western thought as it relates to change in China. It is posited that although imperialist actions certainly served as a catalyst for Chinese nationalism, the transition between "traditional" and "modern" China was not a completely new break caused entirely by Western influence, but a series of rational changes brought about at least as much by China's domestic structure as external relations. / Graduation date: 1999

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This discussion argues that the United States-Pakistan alliance of 1954 emerged because American strategic concerns for the Middle East, arising in the aftermath of the Korean War and based upon a recognition of Britain's declining ability to defend the region, coincided with Pakistan's strategic needs as a newlyindependent nation. The United States believed that Pakistan-a moderate Islamic nation, situated on the eastern flank of the Middle East, and ideologically inclined toward the West-could assist Western efforts to protect the Middle East from Soviet influence, penetration, or attack. This discussion further argues that the United States only brought Pakistan into the Western strategic network when a series of events made it seem that Asia would be the next battleground for the Cold War and after it was clear that if containment were to be extended to South Asia, Pakistan was the only choice available. Pakistan's persistent and sophisticated courtship of the United States differed greatly from India's efforts to remain neutral in the Cold War. And this discussion argues that the alliance was consistent with the broader policies of both the Truman and Eisenhower administrations and that it stemmed not from American interests in South Asia but from Washington's global strategic efforts to contain the Soviet Union. Consequently, the United States-Pakistan alliance was not the result of American attempts to "contain" or dominate India, of Anglo-American competition over the subcontinent and the Middle East, or of American efforts to establish economic hegemony over South Asia. Indeed, as the United States' fears for Middle Eastern security subsided, so did its commitment to the alliance with Pakistan.

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