<p>Arbetet syftar till att ta fram ett koncept till ett klädmärke. En designprocess redovisas utifrån en inspirationsfas som bl.a. omfattar spelfilmen The Zodiac, dokumentärfilmen The Occult History of the Third Reich, fotografier tagna av Phyllis Galembo och föredrag av neurologen och filosofen Sam Harris. Resultatet består av tryck och mönster till t-shirts och skateboards, förslag till logotyp och ett paketeringskoncept. Trycken består av kryptografi, optiska illusioner, omöjliga former och fotomanipulationer av astronauter, samurajer och apor. Temat bakom motiven handlar om hur vetenskap, mysticism, religioner och andra trosuppfattningar ligger i konflikt med varandra men ändå står varandra väldigt nära. Dessutom redogörs för Dem Collectives produktionsförhållanden, löner och miljöarbete, som är den tilltänkta leverantören av kollektionen.</p> / <p>The work aims to develop a concept for a clothing brand. A design process based on a inspiration phase reported as such includes the feature film The Zodiac, the documentary film The Occult History of the Third Reich, photographs taken by Phyllis Galembo and talk by neurologist and philosopher Sam Harris. The result consists of print design for t-shirts and skateboards, proposals for a logo and a packaging concept. The prints consist of cryptography, optical illusions, impossible shapes and photo manipulations of astronauts, samurai and monkeys. The theme behind the rationale is about how science, mysticism, religions and other beliefs are in conflict with each other but still are very close. In addition, reports on Dem Collective relations of production, wages and environmental work, which is the intended supplier of the collection.</p>

As a notable academic, Marxist writer and one-time political activist, an extensive critique of Rudolf Schlesinger’s writings is long overdue. Raised in the revolutionary atmosphere of early twentieth century Austria, Schlesinger soon became embroiled in central European communism, taking on full-time work for the German Communist Party in Berlin, Prague and Moscow. He left the Soviet Union during the purges, having been described as ‘alien to the party’, and made his way to the UK where he fostered a reputation as an informed and prolific scholar. This investigation is not intended to be a biography of Schlesinger, but rather an ‘intellectual biography’, an examination of his monographs, papers, drafts and memoir reflections. This allows for an appreciation of his academic contribution and an understanding of his unique personal motivation and perspective. Given his experiences, as well as the cultural, political and ideological paradigm from which he emerged, this analysis provides insights into Marxist theory, the labour movement, the Soviet Union and German communism. It also throws light upon the intellectual climate in the West during the cold war, providing a historiographical snapshot of academic Soviet studies, particularly in the UK. The thesis is divided into two sections, with each exploring a different aspect of Schlesinger’s writing. The first traces Schlesinger’s theoretical development and education, detailing and analysing the impact of Luxemburg, Lenin, Marx and Engels on his thought and writing. Schlesinger emerges as a Leninist, whose understanding of the dialectical nature of Marxism leads him to seek the next stage in its development, since Lenin’s revolutionary successes forever altered the socio-economic landscape and thus fated his theories to obsolescence. An examination of Schlesinger’s attitude towards Stalin as a Marxist theorist illuminates his pragmatic stance regarding the Soviet leader. Whilst Stalin’s rule had a considerable human cost and a deleterious impact upon Marxist theory, to Schlesinger, his leadership was necessary to further the existence of the Soviet state, the sole manifestation of the great social democratic experiment. The second section focuses on Schlesinger’s writings concerning Soviet historiography. It is possible to discern changes in tone, emphasis and argument in his work on this subject. A dichotomy emerges between Schlesinger’s positive portrayal of historiographical developments in the Soviet Union in papers written before Stalin’s death and his retrospective condemnation of these events after 1953. This latter attitude chimes with his personal memoir reflections of life as an intellectual in Stalin’s Russia, in which he described a highly controlled, academically stagnant society; yet it contrasts starkly with his earlier position. It is also possible to detect parallels between Schlesinger’s changing emphasis and the dynamics of official Soviet attitudes. An explanation is required if Schlesinger is not to be dismissed as inconsistent or polemical. It is argued that Schlesinger can be accurately described as a ‘scholar advocate’, both in terms of a defender of the Soviet experiment and a proponent of Marxism and social democracy. This characterisation allows for an understanding of Schlesinger’s changing stance and motivations and explains his apparent inconsistency. Schlesinger was loyal to Marxism in general, but not to the fluctuating dictates of the Russian party. He was not a polemicist or propagandist but instead sought to stay loyal to wider Marxist ideals and methodology. For Schlesinger, his pragmatism ensured that he did not judge events in Russia from the rose-tinted spectacles of utopianism; his attitude was not swayed by single events, however tragic, and he was aware both of the utility and the transient nature of Stalin’s rule. This helps to explain his positive attitude. In addition, Schlesinger was keen to defend Marxism and the Soviet Union against what he perceived as unfair criticism; he sought to counter myths and misunderstandings propagated by disillusioned supporters and opponents. Schlesinger consciously attempted to combat what he saw, and many academics have recognised, as the cold war bias of a section of Western comment and scholarship. This may, perhaps, have led Schlesinger to paint too optimistic a picture of the Soviet Union, but his work is a useful and necessary counterbalance to other literature. Schlesinger was no propagandist, and recognition of his unique and conscious motivation allows for a full appreciation of his rich and varied writings.

The present thesis aims to examine how the Russian General Staff observed and assessed the Russian Empire’s Asiatic frontier during the period of its greatest extent (between 1860 and 1917). By providing an overview of the entire length of the Asiatic frontier it aims to provide an original addition to the existing historiography. Through analysis of the original records of the Asiatic Department of the Russian General Staff, it furnishes insight into areas of response by the Russian General Staff towards crisis situations where previously little or no scholarly work has been carried out. Thus, to cite just two examples, the thesis contains the first detailed coverage on the posting of the first Russian military agents to China during the so-called ‘Ili Crisis’ of 1881, and of the response of the General Staff to the revolt of Ishaqu Khan in northern Afghanistan in 1888. These new additions are complemented by detailed analysis of more conventional aspects of the existing historiography. For example, by studying the prelude to the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05 it provides for the first time in English a detailed analysis of the specific difficulties experienced by Tsarist military intelligence in the Far East in the years immediately preceding that conflict. The overall form of analysis is in the main geographically determined, but with the sections examining individual sections of the Russian Asiatic frontier preceded and followed by more general chapters surveying the development of doctrinal, organisational and ideological currents within the General Staff as a whole at both the beginning and end of the period under review. Chapter one in its first par surveys the development of the General Staff system itself in the Russian army. It provides in addition an analysis of available sources alongside a basic military history of the expansion of Russia’s Asiatic frontiers across this period. The first part of chapter two provides an overview of the instruments and ideas that had evolved and that were available to the Russian General Staff in its study Asia on the eve of the major Central Asian conquests of the 1860s. The second section of chapter two analyses how some of these currents, both cultural and doctrinal, intermingled and responded between approximately 1859 and 1873, with the characters of Prince Bariatinskii, Viceroy of the Caucasus during this period, providing a central focus and case study. Chapters three examines how some of the purely tactical and technical tools employed by the Russian army in its Asiatic conquests evolved over time and again looks at the role of individual thinkers in this evolutionary process. Chapter four, the main body of the work, in three major sub-sections analyses the fully developed use of all these instruments and trends in the Russian General Staff’s plans and threat-assessments for the three major areas of their Asiatic frontier - the Far East, the Caucasus, and the region of Central Asia-Afghanistan. The conclusion seeks to contribute a new perspective to current levels of analysis by setting the Tsarist military’s orientalist activities within the context of the current debates regarding European colonialism and the nature of orientalism in general. In doing so it also seeks to draw together the three underlying themes running throughout the work - the development of the General Staff’s analysis of Asia by 1917, the still unresolved conflict of centre-periphery relations that afflicted every aspect of Russian Asiatic policy, and the growing consciousness of a ‘knowledge crisis’ that afflicted the Tsarist General Staff as a whole, a crisis reflected in the press and academic organs of the day. This last phenomenon, along with many of the tools and approaches to tackle it, would form one of Tsarist Russia’s largest legacies to the Soviet Union. The thesis will prove useful to students of military history, Russia-Asia diplomatic relations, and those interested by the development and evolution of the ‘knowledge-state’ between the late eighteenth and early twentieth centuries. Above all it seeks to provide a prism through which the reader can appreciate many of the difficulties attached to the development of military intelligence and the modern ‘knowledge economy’, difficulties that continue to afflict many states, not least Russia, even today.

No description available.

Using an array of original materials from Russian regional and central archives this detailed study of Soviet Karelia from 1918-1919 is the first to appear in English after the fall of the Soviet Union. It adds to the still limited number of regional studies of the civil war period and using the Karelian districts as a case study discusses how the Bolsheviks consolidated power on the periphery, what factors hindered this process and what were the sources of resistance. Karelia is unique for a combination of reasons. First, it is a grain deficit region and so was always in need of help with the supply of grain from the Volga and other parts of central Russia. Second, the political influence of the Left Socialist Revolutionary party (Left SRs) continued for a considerable time after the events of July 1918. The thesis explores how power was transferred in the region following the October revolution and how the planned political objectives of the Bolsheviks were stalled by the lack of political control in the districts not least of all, for most of 1918, because of the influence of the Left SRs. However, despite political, economic, social and military crises the Bolsheviks gained more experience in power as the civil war progressed and a semblance of order emerged from the chaos. They gained enough control over the food supply shortages for the population to subsist and increased their control in key Soviet institutions, such as the provincial security police (the Cheka) and the Red Army, which ultimately ensured the survival of the Bolshevik regime and victory in the civil war.

This thesis analyses the development of oil and natural gas in the Soviet Union and Eastern European full members of the Council for Futual Economic Assistance (Comecon) from the end of the Second World War to 1975 and assesses the likely role of hydrocarbon fuels in the Comecon energy balance to 1980. The major part of the thesis is concerned with developments in the 1971- 1975 period, when the Soviet Union, the bloc's principal producer and supplier, experienced a number of technical and economic difficulties in the oil and gas industries and when world prices of oil showed a fivefold increase, which was reflected in turn in increasing prices of other energy raw materials. The objectives of the study are therefore to identify the problems faced in utilising Comecon oil and gas resources, to assess their impact on energy developments in the bloc and on the pattern of Soviet trade in oil and gas, and on relations with other hydrocarbon producers in the changing world market. There exists a number of western studies of Comecon energy developments, published in the early to mid-sixties, some of which suggested that the era of Comecon energy autarchy would come to an end and that the group might become increasingly involved in the world market as a competitive purchaser. This view was maintained in some quarters after the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) imposed substantial increases in the selling prices of their crude oil in October 1973 and subsequently. However study of Soviet and Fast European techno-economic material has revealed that before the aforementioned price rises Comecon planners were assessing the possibilities of adjusting energy policy to cope with these difficulties, with the objectives of at least maintaining the export surplus of oil and of developing export trade in gas. Such theories of an impending "Comecon energy crisis" are re-examined, taking into account the capacity of the logistic system to allow planners to re-assess the relationship of oil to coal, gas and other fuels. The examination suggests that although considerable difficulties are known and acknowledged to exist in the Comecon oil and gas industries, the bloc has the opportunity of retaining self-sufficiency in hydrocarbon energy to 1980 and that current policy is directed to the attainment of this objective. The thesis is written almost entirely from Soviet and Post European technical and economic sources. Official Comecon statistical material, supplemented by Ii~ECt OBeD and United Nations publications, have been used to provide basic data. The metric system has been adopted throughout the thesis.

This thesis explores the repopulation of Leningrad following the blockade of the city during the Second World War. In the years after the lifting of the siege blockade survivors remaining in Leningrad were joined annually by hundreds of thousands of incomers. However, while the siege has recently been the subject of a number of scholarly and literary treatments, much less attention has been paid to what happened next in terms of the mass resettlement of the city. Accounts of the consequences of the blockade that touch upon the postwar population have deployed the term ‘Leningraders’ as shorthand for a cohesive community of blockade survivors, embedded in the culture and landscape of the city. Even pieces of work that have portrayed post-siege Leningrad as a ‘city of migrants’ have concentrated on the impact of the loss of the prewar population rather than on the multifarious experiences of its itinerant populations. The thesis addresses the role of widespread experiences of displacement and resettlement in structuring relationships among individuals and between citizens and the authorities in the post-siege civic environment. It examines the repopulation in the context of evolving Soviet practices of population management after the war and in terms of the intersection of population movements with the re-affirmation of a civic community in a city which had lost a vast proportion of its population, just as it gained the basis for a powerful new narrative of belonging. It demonstrates how competing visions of the desired postwar order on a national and local scale were constructed and contested in relation to displaced people who were often targeted as a potentially transgressive presence in the postwar landscape.

This thesis of 84,616 words uses the Eastern Crisis of 1875-78 to consider the Press in Great Britain and Russia. 5 case-study chapters consider respectively the reaction to the Bosnian and Hercegovinian revolt of 1875, the Bulgarian 'Atrocity Campaign' of 1876, the outpouring of public sympathy in Russia for the cause of the Serbs in 1876, the involvement of Greece in Eastern crisis, and the British 'Jingo' movement. For each case study, the relationship of the mass activity to the newspaper and periodical press is considered, as well as tracing the interplay between government and Press, and examining whether the Press was able to act as an intermediary between people and government. As this is a comparative study, these movements are considered not only through their own national Press, but through that of the other nation. A recurring theme throughout, is the running current of suspicion existing between Britain and Russia throughout this period, which is analysed in some detail, and shown to have been a highly significant factor in much of what was undertaken by both governments and individuals in Britain and Russia at this time.

Ingeniero Civil Industrial / Hoy en día en la industria se desarrolla una permanente búsqueda de procesos de alta eficiencia, con reducidos costos de producción y moderadas inversiones. Máquinas de rodillos formadores son una opción a considerar cuando sea posible su uso y agregar controles automáticos también apunta en esta dirección. El proyecto consiste en hacer un control automático a un equipo compuesto de una unidad con 6 pares de rodillos formadores y una prensa de golpe. Este equipo tiene la finalidad de fabricar aletas, que componen celosías, de uso en instalaciones de aire acondicionado y/o calefacción. El objetivo general del proyecto es efectuar el diseño y desarrollo de un sistema de control automatizado de las máquinas acopladas: la formadora de rodillos y la prensa de golpe. Los objetivos específicos son: i) desarrollar el control del equipo RFEC para producción continua, ii) desarrollar las modificaciones al equipo para la automatización y iii) integrar la automatización al equipo, probarla y calibrarla a condiciones de operación. La metodología para alcanzar con eficiencia los objetivos planteados consistió en hacer modificaciones y adiciones con el fin señalado. La automatización se logra coordinando los componentes de la secuencia y sus tiempos. Para obtener la tolerancia requerida se usa, para el control del largo de la pieza, una variante del método Registro Piloto. Los principales resultados del trabajo muestran que: Con el sistema de control modificado el equipo permite fabricar las aletas CQ en forma continua y automática; por lo que se cumple con el objetivo general de este trabajo. El sistema de control de corte, basado en el método registro piloto, con el tope TDL produce las aletas CQ con una tolerancia de las medidas mejor que la solicitada por el proyecto. El nuevo control y las modificaciones realizadas, permiten ajustes rápidos con los cambios de tamaño de aleta CQ. Como método para variar la velocidad de los Roll Formers los variadores de frecuencia prueban ser no solo de menor costo, sino también de un manejo fácil y eficiente. La producción mediante Roll Former tiene costos de fabricación fuertemente más bajos que otras alternativas de producción. También se aprecian ahorros por reducciones en el movimiento y almacenaje de materiales, ya que se reduce el inventario de piezas a medio procesar.

Destalinisation was the process of enormous change that began in the wake of Stalin’s death. Whilst it has been heavily studied from the Soviet perspective, it has not been examined from the American standpoint. This thesis fills that gap. It took until 1956 for Eisenhower and Dulles to alter their perceptions of the USSR and its ideology despite the years of change that followed Stalin’s death. This thesis explains how the majority of policymakers rejected signals of change in the USSR until 1956. There were numerous reasons for this: domestic politics, relations with allies, and public opinion all played a role. But the key factor in preventing a change in mindset was an engrained perception of the Soviet leaders as Stalinists. While the Soviet leadership after 1953 rejected the hallmarks of Stalinism, the Eisenhower administration understood such signals of change within a mindset that saw the Soviets as unreconstructed communists, expansionist in aims, conspiratorial in methods, and, above all, out to destroy the West. This perception was in effect a mental ‘dam’, which held back any substantial perception change in Washington. By 1956, however, a new perception of destalinisation, and by extension Soviet Communism, came into being. The Eisenhower administration no longer rejected out of hand the changes the Soviet leadership enacted both domestically and in foreign relations. Eisenhower and Dulles found sufficient evidence to question whether the rigid view of Soviet Communism and its aims was accurate or useful. The 20th Party Congress caused serious cracks in the ‘dam'. Two of these ‘cracks’ were in the minds if Eisenhower and Dulles, who by the end of 1956 had changed their view of the Soviet leaders, and no longer regarded them as Stalinist. This change in perception would ultimately allow détente to take hold.