This study examines the extent to which the equivalency provision presented in the SPS agreement is able to foster trade negotiations between countries adopting different food safety measures. The study examines the role of scientific evidence as well as the political, economic, and cultural factors in impacting the national regulatory process and the international trade negotiations. It focuses on the limitations of science in allowing countries to reach consensus in contentious trade-related debates laden with risk uncertainty and missing data. The study consists of comparing the key components of the U.S. and French regulatory systems to identify the cultural basis for the differences in the perception of listeria risk and in preferences to control it. The stringent standards adopted in the U.S. and the preference for pasteurization are attributed to the complete separation of the regulatory functions form those of food production, the open style of decision-making which allows private citizens to review and comment on administrative actions, the unwillingness of U.S. regulators to expose vulnerable individuals to deadly pathogens, and the reliance on quantitative data to validate the effectiveness of pasteurization. The more flexible standards impacting listeria regulation in France are attributed to the the integration of regulatory functions with those of food production, the consumer preference for natural products, the public's trust in the government's regulatory decisions, and the belief that the determination of appropriate safety measures should be left up to the producers. / Master of Science

This thesis contributes to the analysis of optimal industrial and strategic trade policy in the presence of oligopoly and other forms of imperfect competition, so as to make contact with important empirical regularities and policy concerns, such as international R&D collaboration, unionization and free trade. First, in the context of international competition in which R&D plays an important role, we study the consequences of allowing governments to subsidize R&D and coalition deviation on the R&D collaboration networks. Then we investigate the formation of FTAs as a network formation game. While the analysis of welfare effects takes the central stage, we also analyze the nature of trading regimes that are consistent with the incentives of individual countries. We address the issue of conflict of interests among firms, consumers and governments as well. Finally, we integrate the analysis of international R&D collaboration and strategic trade policies, and demonstrate how an asymmetric equilibrium arises from an international trade model with symmetric countries and symmetric firms, and study whether it is sometimes possible to improve national welfare by jointly implementing trade and industrial policies.

This dissertation analyzes the obstacles against further cooperation in international economic relations. The first essay explains the gradual nature of trade liberalization. I show that existence of asymmetric information between governments provides a sufficient reason for gradualism to exist. Governments prefer starting small to reduce the cost of partner’s betrayal when there is sufficient degree of information asymmetry regarding the partner’s type. Learning about partner’s incentive structure enhances expectations, encouraging governments to increase their current level of cooperation. Specifically, the uninformed government’s subjective belief for the trading partner being good is improved as the partner acts cooperatively. This updated belief, in turn, lowers the subjective probability of future betrayal, enabling further progress in cooperation. The second essay analyzes the relationship between two countries facing two policy dilemmas in an environment with two way goods and capital flows. When issues are independent and countries are symmetric, signing separate agreements for tariffs (Free Trade Agreements-FTA) and for taxes (Tax Treaties-TT) provides the identical level of enforcement as signing a linked agreement. However, linkage can still improve the joint welfare by transferring the slack enforcement power in a case of asymmetric issues or countries. I report non-results in two cases where the policy issues are interconnected due to technological spillover effect of FDI. Moreover, I show that linking the agreements actually reduces enforcement when agreements are linked under a limited punishment rule and policy variables are strategic substitutes. The third essay investigates the welfare/enforcement consequences of linking trade and environmental agreements. In the standard literature, linking the agreements generate non-trivial results only when there is structural relation between the issues. I focus on institutional design of the linkage and show that even if environmental aspects of international trade are negligible linking the agreements might still have some interesting welfare implications under current GATT Rules. Specifically, when traded goods are substitutes in consumption, linking the environmental agreement with trade agreement under the Withdrawal of Equivalent Concession Rule (Article XXVIII) will reduce the enforcement. However, enforcement in environmental issue increases when the same rule is implemented in the absence of linkage.

The North American Free Trade Agreement continues to be a controversial topic, and with the impending implementation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement, NAFTA has been a heavily discussed issue during the 2016 presidential campaign. Past research has critically assessed the extent to which NAFTA delivered on promises made by its lobbyists to improve economic welfare and stimulate growth in the North American markets, via trade and investment. These studies explain that NAFTA has helped to boost intra-regional trade and investment flows in North America, but has fallen short on any substantial improvements in welfare and deeper regional economic integration. However, researchers have found evidence for convergence among North American equity markets, and argue that this is generated by NAFTA. Using time series data from 1990 to 2007, this study builds on these conclusions to examine how NAFTA impacted equity markets in the North American region. I look at returns to each major stock index for Mexico, the U.S. and Canada, and find evidence that returns on these indexes improve in the post-NAFTA period for Mexico and the U.S., but not for Canada. Additionally, there is evidence to suggest that exports and FDI are the primary drivers for this improvement in stock returns.

From its emergence to its expansion, intellectual property (IP) has not been isolated from trade. However, in the late 1970s, business interests in the United States (US) exerted powerful pressure, leading to IP norms becoming increasingly trade-centric. Hypothesis of this thesis is that such trade-centric IP norms, encouraged and formed by the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), and subsequent TRIPS-plus rules pursued by the two most active actors, the US and the European Union (EU), fail to achieve the intended purposes of IP protection. This normalization of tradecentric regulation also creates conflict with a range of economic, social and cultural values that have significant human rights implications. The goal of this thesis is to: (a) critically examine this predominance of trade in contemporary IP norms; and (b) provide a counter framework for IP policy reform. It seeks to do this by juxtaposing the theoretical and empirical aspects of IP norms against human rights. This study will pursue to prove the hypothesis by conducting case studies on two free trade agreements (FTAs) enacted by South Korea with the US and the EU. The thesis concludes that, on the whole, the context of human rights provides a just counter framework that can unify the diverse range of issues. This is more so given that human rights are strengthened by international consensual norms institutionalised by intergovernmental organisations and supported by transnational advocacy networks. Nevertheless, this thesis advocates that an overemphasis on state and individuals in the human rights discourse needs to be challenged by taking into account the dominance of global economic regulations, the prevailing role of non-state actors, and the culturally relative nature of IP.

Little is known about the impact of nontrade issues on developing countries entering trade agreements. The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) represents an attempt to set high-standard trade rules for participating countries in the Asian-Pacific region that require the inclusion of wide-ranging nontrade issues in the TPPA. This general qualitative study explored the economic, social, and political consequences for developing countries by including nontrade issues in Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). The overarching research question addressed whether nontrade issues in FTAs detract developing countries from achieving their trade goals. This study was guided by the theory of comparative advantage propounded by Ricardo and the focus on trade in goods and services. This general qualitative study used multiple sources of data collection including documentation-primary and secondary online and digital archival data, bibliographies, textbooks, and scholarly trade journals; researcher's notes; and interviews of 15 participants (13 economists and 2 trade unionists). All data were coded using open, selective, and axial coding followed by Braun and Clarke's thematic analysis procedure. Data analysis revealed 4 themes that crystallized the findings within the context of the research; the role, ramifications of nontrade issues, trade barriers, and the distraction of developing countries from achieving their goals-tariff reductions, market access, jobs, and economic growth. The key finding of this study was the interest of participants in wages, health, and safety of workers in FTAs. The implications for positive social change include recommendations for welfare enhancement gained by trade policymakers' understanding of the consequences of nontrade issues in FTAs.

<p>How does the recent wave of preferential trading arrangements affect, the incentives for further trade liberalization of member states, and the possibility of obtaining global free trade? And are there any differences in this aspect between custom unions and other forms of preferential trading arrangements? These questions are well debated and have divided international trade researchers into two camps, one in favour for preferential trading arrangements and the other side against them. I have used well acknowledged researchers in the area of international trade theory to make a literature study of the above mentioned key elements in the debate. When comparing the two sides I have focused mainly on their differences, assumptions and results. I have come to the conclusion that there is nothing to be alarmed by of the wave of regionalism that’s occurring in the world today, but caution should be applied and more research in this area is necessary before any certain conclusions can be drawn. Free trade association seems to be welfare enhancing in general, with a few exceptions. I have found that the crucial points of what affect Free Trade Agreements will have on trade liberalization seems to be whether they are open or closed, how asymmetric the world is and the size of the trading blocs. The matter concerning custom unions are more alarming and seems to harm further trade liberalization in many aspects but this area also needs more research to give more reliable answers.</p>

Can international institutions work independently from the great powers in terms of autonomy and independence? To answer the question, this thesis analyzes 197 concluded arbitration cases and the Convention of the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). But why the ICSID? Trade liberalization has long been sought by almost all the countries under multilateralism represented by the GATT and its successor, the WTO. However, due mainly to slow and laborious decision making, proceedings for dispute settlement and acquiring mandatory consent from all the member countries under the WTO, states -especially great economic powers - began to turn to Free Trade Agreements(FTAs) toavoid such problems. Most of the FTAs include Bilateral Investment Treaties and investment dispute settlement provisions. When investment disputes arise, the parties can resolve them bilaterally or they may bring their cases to an international dispute settlement institution. The ICSID is one of leading dispute settlement institutions in the field of international investments. Since the late 1990s, the cases argued at and the references to the ICSID began to increase sharply indicating that states have begun to perceive the ICSID as more important. So I analyzed the ICSID in terms of its autonomy and independence. The findings are as follows.Throughout the Articles of the ICSID Convention, the ICSID endeavors to keep its autonomy and independence. Although there are more arbitrators from developing countries than developed countries in the arbitration panel, developed country arbitrators have been selected more frequently as members of arbitration Tribunals of the ICSID. But the compositions of the Tribunals do not affect the winning rate especially fordeveloped country in the arbitrations. Although the durations of the arbitration proceedings vary in each party category, developing countries tend to show their lack of legal capacities and monetary shortage, especially needed for the due process procedures in arbitrations. As for compliance to ICSID awards, almost all the Contracting Statesfollowed the awards except for some cases, especially Argentine ones. In general, the ICSID has maintained its autonomy and independence though there also is some evidence and some cases where this argument is not supported. Asmore pending cases turn to concluded ones, there will be more cases available for furtherresearch on the ICSID.

How does the recent wave of preferential trading arrangements affect, the incentives for further trade liberalization of member states, and the possibility of obtaining global free trade? And are there any differences in this aspect between custom unions and other forms of preferential trading arrangements? These questions are well debated and have divided international trade researchers into two camps, one in favour for preferential trading arrangements and the other side against them. I have used well acknowledged researchers in the area of international trade theory to make a literature study of the above mentioned key elements in the debate. When comparing the two sides I have focused mainly on their differences, assumptions and results. I have come to the conclusion that there is nothing to be alarmed by of the wave of regionalism that’s occurring in the world today, but caution should be applied and more research in this area is necessary before any certain conclusions can be drawn. Free trade association seems to be welfare enhancing in general, with a few exceptions. I have found that the crucial points of what affect Free Trade Agreements will have on trade liberalization seems to be whether they are open or closed, how asymmetric the world is and the size of the trading blocs. The matter concerning custom unions are more alarming and seems to harm further trade liberalization in many aspects but this area also needs more research to give more reliable answers.

Cette thèse comporte quatre chapitres qui examinent plusieurs aspects de la politique économique- dans son rapport à la mondialisation et à l'intégration économique. Le premier chapitre considère la question du lien entre spécialisation commerciale et croissance. Les résultats identifient un lien empirique robuste entre niveau initial de sophistication et croissance du PIB réel par tête dans le cas de la Chine. Le second chapitre étudie le lien entre la structure du système bancaire chinois et la structure des exportations L'étude empirique révèle la présence de contraintes de crédit pesant sur les firmes privées domestiques) qui exportent relativement moins dans les secteurs les plus dépendants de financements extérieurs. Le troisième chapitre étudie l'impact de l'immigration sur les marchés du travail dans un cadre de marchés régionaux fragmentés. Il montre que dans ce cadre, la mobilité spatiale des travailleurs immigrés contribue à augmenter l'efficacité des marchés du travail, mais que la politique d'immigration devient plus restrictive, sous certaines conditions. Le quatrième chapitre étudie les déterminants des accords préférentiels de libre-échange entre pays. Il montre que les gains en termes d'accès au marché sont un déterminant plus fort de la probabilité de signer un accord que ceux des consommateurs. / This thesis consists of four chapters that examine various aspects of economic policy in its relation to globalization and economic integration. The first chapter considers the question of the link between trade specialization and growth. The results identify a robust empirical ink between initial level of sophistication at province level and real GOP per capita growth in the case of China. The second chapter examines the relationship between the structure of the Chinese banking system and the structure of exports. The empirical study reveals the presence of credit constraints weighing on domestic private firms, which export relatively less in sectors more dependent on external financing. The third chapter examines the impact of immigration on labor markets in a setting with fragmented regional markets. It shows that in this framework, the spatial mobility of migrant workers contributes to increase the efficiency of labor markets, but immigration policy becomes more restrictive under certain conditions. The fourth chapter examines the determinants of preferential free trade agreements. It shows that the gains in market access are a stronger determinant of a country's probability of signing an agreement than the gains accruing to consumers in the form of lower prices