Inaug.-Diss.--Heidelberg. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1960. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 156-163).

Thesis (B.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1963. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 47-48).

El objetivo general del presente trabajo de título es la implementación de un sistema de votación electrónica apropiado para una votación local a pequeña escala. Además, este trabajo analiza las condiciones y supuestos razonables bajo los cuales tal elección puede ser llevada a cabo exitosamente. En este trabajo se estudian los mecanismos criptográficos adecuados para implementar un sistema de votación correcto, verificable y cuyos votos sean privados. El sistema implementado cumple con las características de seguridad de un sistema de votación electrónica, es práctico y puede ser usado en votaciones de pequeña escala. Este sistema considera la existencia de varias autoridades electorales, las cuales necesitan cooperar para que la elección sea exitosa, y solamente la colusión de la mayoría de ellas puede poner en riesgo la privacidad de los votantes. Se realizaron diversas votaciones de prueba, las que ilustran como el sistema implementado es capaz de detectar tanto alteraciones de los votos, como autoridades que traten de alterar el proceso eleccionario. El sistema es eficiente y transparente y entrega resultados precisos en forma rápida y oportuna. El proceso completo es universalmente verificable, desde la generación de las claves de encriptación que se usaran durante la elección, hasta el cómputo final, pasando por la verificación de la correctitud de los votos emitidos. Se concluye que es factible implementar un sistema de votación electrónica práctico, seguro y eficiente con requisitos simples: conectividad de red entre los participantes, mecanismos de comunicación consistente de mensajes (broadcast) entre las autoridades y observadores externos, e infraestructura para manejar claves públicas y privadas de los votantes. Finalmente se entregan recomendaciones para extender el sistema a elecciones de gran escala.

The Egyptian authoritarian regime is a mammoth machine created and headed by President Hosni Mubarak as an instrument for the exercise of his own power. His ability to influence every facet of the character of Egypt lies in his previous career experience, the involvement in politics of his immediate family, his commitment to unpopular but lucrative foreign policies, and the bureaucratic obstacle course he created for opposition entities to navigate. Through persistent efforts to prepare himself for national leadership prior to gaining power, then to consolidate his power in the institutions of Egypt, Mubarak has built a state organization with a solid legal basis for suppression of opposition. Using an extensive system of patronage, Mubarak maintains elite support for his continued control of the state. Sustained adherence to the 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty brings Egypt significant foreign aid that compensates for some of its economic shortfalls, and affords Mubarak the opportunity to serve as a regional partner in advancing the Middle East Peace Process, reinforcing Mubarak's fitness to rule on the international stage. The maintenance of a pervasive and fiercely loyal security apparatus also gives Mubarak the ability to disrupt any internal opposition activity before it can fully mobilize a call for change. The manner in which Mubarak crafted a democratic facade to cover his authoritarian regime is an artful nod to the Third Wave of democratization; he recognized that to remain in power in the 21st century, Egypt must be perceived as democratic in nature by the international community. That election irregularities, policy barriers to political participation, and single-party control of the legislature prevent the creation of a truly representative government is an important but difficult to prove fact that Mubarak's facade democratic motions are designed to disguise. It is prudent to consider how Mubarak's exit from Egyptian politics will affect the authoritarian system he has built and managed since 1981. The likely accession of his son, Gamal, will keep most power guarantors in place, but the globalizing forces of this century will require a fresh approach to managing domestic, international, and global relations.

This thesis aims to analyze the relationship between two main inspiration sources of the Arab world, both emerged in Egypt: Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Muslim Brotherhood. The focus is defined as the relationship between the Egyptian state of Nasser&rsquo / s era and the Muslim Brotherhood / hence the time period is determined to be between 1952 and 1970. The reason why I have chosen this subject is that for the Middle East in general, and Egypt in particular, both actors have played a significant role in the path of deposing Western colonialism and engaging with modernism. On the other hand as both sides could provide alternative theories and means of governance against each other, the relationship seems more than interesting / especially regarding region&rsquo / s endeavor of providing a strong response and local alternatives to dominant Western values of modernism, it seems more than worthy to focus on these two main players and their interactions with each other.

Notre récit commence dans l’Egypte nationaliste des années 1950. Le coup d’Etat mené par Gamal Abdel Nasser et le “Mouvement des Officiers Libres” ouvre la voie à une révolution politique, économique, et socioculturelle, au Caire et dans l’ensemble du monde arabe. Il met alors en place un puissant dispositif médiatique : il fonde la radio la Voix des Arabes, publie La Philosophie de la révolution, et fera très rapidement du journal Al-Ahram la langue de sa révolution. De la guerre de Suez en 1956, à l’union avec la Syrie en 1958, l’Egypte soutiendra alors tous les mouvements de libération nationale jusqu’à la “catastrophe” de 1967, qui signe l’arrêt de mort du nationalisme nassérien. Lorsque le nationalisme laïc n’a pas réussi à restituer la Palestine et la dignité arabe perdues, certains ont cru que c’est la religion qui le fera. Deux modèles antagonistes secouent alors le consensus des années 1960 : au “pétro-islam” saoudien s’oppose désormais un islam chiite inspiré par la Révolution islamique en Iran et prôné par le Hezbollah et son Secrétaire général Hassan Nasrallah. Les années 1980-1990 correspondent aussi à l’introduction des chaînes satellites dans le monde arabe ; au pouvoir mobilisateur de la radio des années 1950, se substitue la force de l’image de chaînes comme Al-Jazeera et Al-Manar. Ainsi, trois décennies après la dernière guerre israélo-arabe, la question de l’identité est exportée sur le front libanais : Nasrallah dit mener, en 2006, “la guerre de la nation contre l’ennemi sioniste”. Comment, à travers leur couverture de la révolution, de la guerre, de la défaite et de la victoire, les médias arabes ont-ils dit l’identité tout au long des soixante dernières années d’histoire ? Comment la radio, la presse écrite, la télévision satellitaire, mais aussi la chanson, les clips et les jeux vidéo ont-ils dit l’arabité? Qu’est-ce que “être arabe” dans le discours médiatique d’aujourd’hui et de quelles manières l’islam politique prôné par les médias contemporains reprend-t-il les anciennes thématiques du nationalisme nassérien ? / Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?

Under what conditions does the Egyptian Society of the Muslim Brothers (SMB) fracture? The 1996 formation of the Wasat party by a group of former Muslim Brothers has attracted significant scholarly attention, although most studies focus on the ideological differences between the groups. By neglecting the organizational angle these studies are unable to explain why some ideological differences lead to group fracture, and why in the case of the SMB this occurred in 1996 and not before. This paper will argue that the SMB splits when high levels of state repression combine with internal organizational conflict, specifically the lack of stable, consultative internal dispute-resolution mechanisms. Empirical tests charting levels of state repression and SMB internal politics throughout the period 1981-2010, covering variation on the dependent, as well as both independent variables, strengthen the theory. / text

This dissertation is about the production of national identity in the transnational age. Focusing on the specific example of Egyptian television, this dissertation argues that new production imperatives, mainly in satellite television and internet, have changed the way that television is produced in the Arabic speaking Middle East, most significantly away from direct state control. The changes in production accompany changes in distribution and consumption of electronic media and are significantly rewriting the ways that shared cultural identities in the Middle East, including nationalism, religious, and other significant identities, are produced, consumed and replicated. This dissertation approaches these topics by relating two specific televisual texts, the Ramadan serials Malek Farouq and Gamal Abdel Nasser, to larger changes in Arab and Egyptian television production. / text

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