This study examines the hours of care giving provided to senior citizens in Canada using the 2007 General Social Survey. Using Heckman’s 2 Stage Correction to correct for sample selection bias, we find that care givers spend the most time caring for their spouses. However, women spend fewer hours caring for their spouses than men. This could be because women have a longer life expectancy than men, and therefore fewer women than men are actually providing care to a spouse. However, women spend more time caring for their parents than men do. Also, caregivers spend positive hours caring for a sibling of the same gender, but fewer hours caring for a sibling of the opposite gender than they do caring for non-immediate family members.

Sociological studies of society-environment interactions are based on a premise that population well-being is dependent on the environment. Here, I argue that not only are people innately connected to the environment, but the environment also bonds people to one another. That is, people have a mutual obligation to one another to care for the environment. An often ignored factor is that individual participation toward protecting and improving the quality of the environment rests upon the local social and spatial context in which the individual is situated. The ability of individuals in a local environment to come together to identify issues, develop common interests, and act collectively toward the local environment can be understood from a social capital perspective. Social capital represents social resources such as trust, information sources, and social norms embedded in social networks that promote common environmental values and facilitate proenvironmental actions. The main objective of this study was to examine the extent to which social capital differentially influences environmentalism, net of demographic and economic characteristics, across rural and urban populations and across geographic regions. Data for this study came from the 2000 General Social Survey (GSS) Environment II Module conducted in conjunction with the 2000 International Social Survey Program. The dataset was used to operationalize dependent and independent variables and test the research hypotheses regarding differential effects of social and spatial context on environmentalism using a national cross-sectional sample. For the dependent variable, I conceptualized three dimensions of environmentalism: environmental attitudes, environmental concern, and environmental behavior. The study included three sets of independent variables: social capital, sociodemographic, and spatial context. The multivariate analysis included two parts. The first examined the relationship between environmentalism and social capital, net of sociodemographic and spatial characteristics. The second part of the analysis examined the extent to which the social capital parameters, net of other factors, changed in urban and rural contexts. The most relevant finding of the study was that the influence of social capital on various aspects of environmentalism is inconsistent. In general, results confirm social capital is an important correlate of environmentalism.

Several longitudinal studies show that over time the American public has become more approving of euthanasia and suicide for terminally ill persons. Yet, these previous findings are limited because they derive from biased estimates of disaggregated hierarchical data. Using insights from life course sociological theory and recently developed cross-classified mixed effects logistic regression, I better account for this liberalization process by disentangling the age, period, and cohort effects that contribute to longitudinal changes in these attitudes. Findings indicate that while attitudes toward euthanasia and suicide have liberalized over time, they remained relatively stable over the past 10 years. Furthermore, this study finds significant age effects in which the probability of agreement to euthanasia and suicide steadily decreases throughout the life course. Contrary to previous research, this study finds that when controlling for age and period effects, there are no significant birth-cohort effects that contribute to longitudinal changes in these attitudes.

Transformations in the economy have led to changes in employment practices that can create a mismatch between parents’ work schedules and family routines. At the same time, approaches to child-rearing have become more time-intensive, with expectations of increased parental involvement in all aspects of children’s lives compared to previous generations. Mothers are subject to a more intensified maternal role and for fathers, the provider role is no longer sufficient. There are strong social pressures for more active participation in children’s lives and to nurture greater emotional connectivity in the parent-child relationship. These transformations in parenting and employment practices have contributed to a situation where parents now report increased levels of time pressure and greater dissatisfaction with the balance between work and the rest of their lives. The purpose of this study was to develop a broader understanding of how mothers and fathers with school-age children allocate their time, how it varies by household composition, season of the year, and work schedule, and how time use is related to subjective well-being. Given the role that leisure may play in creating a more satisfactory work-life balance, special attention was given to the amount of time available for leisure, with whom this time was spent and the relationship to quality of life. The gender relations perspective provided a theoretical framework since role expectations and experiences of parenthood differ for mothers and fathers. By considering individual, interpersonal, institutional and socio-historical levels of influence, patterns of behaviour may be better understood within the Canadian social context. This study is a secondary analysis of the 2005 Canadian General Social Survey, Cycle 19. Using a sub-sample of 2,062 parents of school-age children (ages 5-17 years), patterns of time use and perceptions of quality of life were assessed and compared by gender according to household composition, season of the school year, work schedule and flexible work option. Work schedules were categorized as traditional (daytime, no weekends), non-standard (evening, weekend and rotating shifts) and irregular (unpredictable, with “on call”, casual, or other irregular patterns). Gender inequality in the allocation of time to important life spheres remained substantial even when faced with very complex challenges in coordinating employment arrangements, family routines, and the school year schedule. With the exception of single fathers, men spent more time on employment-related activities than women regardless of work schedule, while women continued to perform greater amounts of domestic and child care activities. Combined workloads of paid and unpaid labour were significantly different only among single mothers and fathers. For married or cohabitating parents, the distribution of paid and unpaid labour was asymmetrical but the combined workload was not significantly different. Fathers continued to be privileged with greater amounts of leisure time. This was especially noticeable for men with non-standard work schedules and fathers of teenage children. Seasonal differences in time use indicated that women’s routines were more linked to the school year than men’s because of their greater child care responsibilities. When irregular or non-standard schedules were in place that could create more optimal conditions for reconsidering time allocation, parents still followed activity patterns that reproduced traditional gender roles. For women, non-standard schedules were the most detrimental to quality of life, whereas for men irregular schedules decreased well-being. Flexible schedules also perpetuated inequality in the distribution of paid work, unpaid work and leisure although quality of life actually improved for women. This improved quality of life may be attributable to more time spent on activities with physical health benefits or increased options for daily schedules, but it also leads to questions about how much control mothers actually have over their time and whether they recognize or care to challenge the inequalities that persist in the distribution of labour and leisure. Quality of life was diminished by conditions that contributed to a deviation from traditional role expectations. Some of these included not having a partner, women’s work schedules that conflicted with other family members, and for men, having an irregular and unpredictable work schedule. Since these conditions are characteristic of a sizable minority of Canadians parents, their experiences should not be dismissed but rather given greater attention. Additionally, future discussions of work-life integration should consider access to leisure since time for leisure was shown to contribute to parents’ quality of life. The gender relations perspective proved to be helpful in interpreting and understanding the dynamics of time use and behaviour. The four levels of interaction were highly interconnected, but changing institutional conditions such as employment schedules did not lead to greater equality. Instead, non-traditional work schedules widened the gender gap, particularly for child care and domestic activities. Dominant parenting practices were shown to be so deeply imbedded that stereotypical patterns remained a prevailing force guiding men’s and women’s daily activities. The GSS data, despite some limitations, provided considerable insight into the effect of parents’ employment and gender on time use and well-being. The findings of this study underscore the relevance of considering multiple levels of influence when assessing parenting practices, gendered behaviour, and quality of life for employed parents.

Transformations in the economy have led to changes in employment practices that can create a mismatch between parents’ work schedules and family routines. At the same time, approaches to child-rearing have become more time-intensive, with expectations of increased parental involvement in all aspects of children’s lives compared to previous generations. Mothers are subject to a more intensified maternal role and for fathers, the provider role is no longer sufficient. There are strong social pressures for more active participation in children’s lives and to nurture greater emotional connectivity in the parent-child relationship. These transformations in parenting and employment practices have contributed to a situation where parents now report increased levels of time pressure and greater dissatisfaction with the balance between work and the rest of their lives. The purpose of this study was to develop a broader understanding of how mothers and fathers with school-age children allocate their time, how it varies by household composition, season of the year, and work schedule, and how time use is related to subjective well-being. Given the role that leisure may play in creating a more satisfactory work-life balance, special attention was given to the amount of time available for leisure, with whom this time was spent and the relationship to quality of life. The gender relations perspective provided a theoretical framework since role expectations and experiences of parenthood differ for mothers and fathers. By considering individual, interpersonal, institutional and socio-historical levels of influence, patterns of behaviour may be better understood within the Canadian social context. This study is a secondary analysis of the 2005 Canadian General Social Survey, Cycle 19. Using a sub-sample of 2,062 parents of school-age children (ages 5-17 years), patterns of time use and perceptions of quality of life were assessed and compared by gender according to household composition, season of the school year, work schedule and flexible work option. Work schedules were categorized as traditional (daytime, no weekends), non-standard (evening, weekend and rotating shifts) and irregular (unpredictable, with “on call”, casual, or other irregular patterns). Gender inequality in the allocation of time to important life spheres remained substantial even when faced with very complex challenges in coordinating employment arrangements, family routines, and the school year schedule. With the exception of single fathers, men spent more time on employment-related activities than women regardless of work schedule, while women continued to perform greater amounts of domestic and child care activities. Combined workloads of paid and unpaid labour were significantly different only among single mothers and fathers. For married or cohabitating parents, the distribution of paid and unpaid labour was asymmetrical but the combined workload was not significantly different. Fathers continued to be privileged with greater amounts of leisure time. This was especially noticeable for men with non-standard work schedules and fathers of teenage children. Seasonal differences in time use indicated that women’s routines were more linked to the school year than men’s because of their greater child care responsibilities. When irregular or non-standard schedules were in place that could create more optimal conditions for reconsidering time allocation, parents still followed activity patterns that reproduced traditional gender roles. For women, non-standard schedules were the most detrimental to quality of life, whereas for men irregular schedules decreased well-being. Flexible schedules also perpetuated inequality in the distribution of paid work, unpaid work and leisure although quality of life actually improved for women. This improved quality of life may be attributable to more time spent on activities with physical health benefits or increased options for daily schedules, but it also leads to questions about how much control mothers actually have over their time and whether they recognize or care to challenge the inequalities that persist in the distribution of labour and leisure. Quality of life was diminished by conditions that contributed to a deviation from traditional role expectations. Some of these included not having a partner, women’s work schedules that conflicted with other family members, and for men, having an irregular and unpredictable work schedule. Since these conditions are characteristic of a sizable minority of Canadians parents, their experiences should not be dismissed but rather given greater attention. Additionally, future discussions of work-life integration should consider access to leisure since time for leisure was shown to contribute to parents’ quality of life. The gender relations perspective proved to be helpful in interpreting and understanding the dynamics of time use and behaviour. The four levels of interaction were highly interconnected, but changing institutional conditions such as employment schedules did not lead to greater equality. Instead, non-traditional work schedules widened the gender gap, particularly for child care and domestic activities. Dominant parenting practices were shown to be so deeply imbedded that stereotypical patterns remained a prevailing force guiding men’s and women’s daily activities. The GSS data, despite some limitations, provided considerable insight into the effect of parents’ employment and gender on time use and well-being. The findings of this study underscore the relevance of considering multiple levels of influence when assessing parenting practices, gendered behaviour, and quality of life for employed parents.

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From 2011 to 2031, the Canadian population living with neurological conditions is expected to double, but the population able to give informal care is not keeping pace, leading to a greater care burden. One element of this increasing care burden is emotional care. However, the effects of giving emotional care on caregiver health outcomes have not been sufficiently explored in the caregiving literature, where the majority of studies focus on instrumental forms of care, or fail to differentiate between different aspects of caregiving. This problem is further complicated by findings from other contexts which indicate that emotional supporting and helping others actually benefits the supporter or helper. Informed by the stress process and other ancillary theories, I use data from the 2012 General Social Survey to test several hypotheses which may help us understand the mental health, functional health, and caregiver burden of caregivers of persons with neurological conditions who emotionally support their care receivers, and of caregivers who are the sole provider of emotional support. The results suggest that emotionally supporting a care receiver with a neurological condition is detrimental to caregiver mental health, and that being the sole emotional supporter is detrimental to caregiver mental health, functional health, and experience of burden. A significant interaction effect also exists between emotional supporting and caregiver gender for functional health. These findings have important implications for future research, for intervention planners, and for caregivers themselves. / Graduate / 2020-08-06

The Labour Supply of Unpaid Caregivers in Canada, Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Meredith Lenore Lilly, Department of Health Policy, Management and Evaluation, University of Toronto, 2008. As medical care increasingly shifts from the hospital to the home, responsibility for care has also shifted from the state and paid care, to the family and unpaid care. Unpaid caregivers are family members and friends who provide homecare services to recipients in their place of residence without financial compensation, as a result of their close personal relationships. This research tests the multiple hypotheses that unpaid caregiving has an impact on (1) the probability of labour force participation (LFP); (2) hours of labour force work; and (3) earnings by caregivers in Canada. We analyzed the 1996 and 2002 General Social Surveys, applying multivariate probit, logistic, and OLS regression analyses to four equations: 1) the probability of labour force participation; 2) the hourly wage; 3) weekly hours of labour market work; and 4) the probability of being an unpaid caregiver. Results indicate that unpaid caregiving was negatively associated with labour force participation; however, the impact on hours of labour market work and wages was uncertain. Women and men caregivers were impacted differently: only caregiving men in 1996 had significantly lower wages than non-caregivers, and only women in 1996 worked significantly fewer hours in the labour market. When caregiving was defined broadly, only men in 1996 were significantly less likely to be employed than non-caregivers. Yet when we controlled for caregiving intensity in 2002, both male and female primary caregivers were much less likely to be in the labour force than non-caregivers, while secondary caregivers were no less likely to be employed than non-caregivers. We conclude that when caregiving responsibilities are relatively small, individuals seem able to balance both caregiving with employment. Yet when caregiving commitments become heavy, it becomes increasingly difficult to balance employment with caregiving. We make a number of policy recommendations ranging from improving caregiver access to financial supports, formal care and respite services, particularly for primary caregivers. We also encourage the development of workplace legislation and caregiver friendly workplaces for the majority of caregivers who remain in the labour market.

The Labour Supply of Unpaid Caregivers in Canada, Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Meredith Lenore Lilly, Department of Health Policy, Management and Evaluation, University of Toronto, 2008. As medical care increasingly shifts from the hospital to the home, responsibility for care has also shifted from the state and paid care, to the family and unpaid care. Unpaid caregivers are family members and friends who provide homecare services to recipients in their place of residence without financial compensation, as a result of their close personal relationships. This research tests the multiple hypotheses that unpaid caregiving has an impact on (1) the probability of labour force participation (LFP); (2) hours of labour force work; and (3) earnings by caregivers in Canada. We analyzed the 1996 and 2002 General Social Surveys, applying multivariate probit, logistic, and OLS regression analyses to four equations: 1) the probability of labour force participation; 2) the hourly wage; 3) weekly hours of labour market work; and 4) the probability of being an unpaid caregiver. Results indicate that unpaid caregiving was negatively associated with labour force participation; however, the impact on hours of labour market work and wages was uncertain. Women and men caregivers were impacted differently: only caregiving men in 1996 had significantly lower wages than non-caregivers, and only women in 1996 worked significantly fewer hours in the labour market. When caregiving was defined broadly, only men in 1996 were significantly less likely to be employed than non-caregivers. Yet when we controlled for caregiving intensity in 2002, both male and female primary caregivers were much less likely to be in the labour force than non-caregivers, while secondary caregivers were no less likely to be employed than non-caregivers. We conclude that when caregiving responsibilities are relatively small, individuals seem able to balance both caregiving with employment. Yet when caregiving commitments become heavy, it becomes increasingly difficult to balance employment with caregiving. We make a number of policy recommendations ranging from improving caregiver access to financial supports, formal care and respite services, particularly for primary caregivers. We also encourage the development of workplace legislation and caregiver friendly workplaces for the majority of caregivers who remain in the labour market.

Chapter 1: The Impact of Culture on the Second-Generation Immigrants’ Level of Trust in Canada Trust is one of the main elements of social capital; it determines the extent to which an individual cooperates with others. In this chapter, I assess whether cultural factors influence the level of trust in the population of second-generation immigrants in Canada. This paper is related to two strands of empirical literature. The first analyses the determinants of trust and the second studies the cultural transmission of values, attitudes and beliefs. I follow closely the literature on the cultural transmission and use an epidemiological approach to assess whether trust of second-generation immigrants is affected by their cultural heritage. This approach consists of comparing information about the outcomes of second-generation immigrants with that of the country of origin of their ancestry. We apply this approach using the Ethnic Diversity Survey (EDS), the World Value Survey (WVS) and the European Value Survey (EVS). Estimation results show that the average level of trust in the countries of origin of the ancestors of the second-generation immigrants has a strong significant impact on their level of trust. Thus, individual whose country of ancestry displays a high level of trust, tend to have a high level of trust. This provides evidence that individuals’ level of trust is not only explained by their personal experiences, characteristics, and the environment in which they live; but also by the culture in their country of ancestry. This means that culture does matter! I find that the results remain robust even if certain key countries are omitted or a different data set is used. Chapter 2: Decomposing Health Achievement and Socioeconomic Health Inequalities in Presence of Multiple Categorical Information This chapter presents a decomposition of the health achievement and the socioeconomic health inequality indices by multiple categorical variables and by regions. I adopt Makdissi and Yazbeck's (2014) counting approach to deal with the ordinal nature of the data of the United States National Health Interview Survey 2010. The findings suggest that the attributes that contribute the most to the deviation from perfect health in the United States are: anxiety, depression and exhaustion. Also, I find that the attributes that contribute the most to the total socioeconomic health inequality are ambulation, depression and pain. The regional decomposition results suggest that, if the aversion to socioeconomic health inequality is high enough, socioeconomic health inequalities between regions are the main contributors to the total socioeconomic health inequality in the United States. Chapter 3: Accounting for Freedom and Economic Resources in the Assessment of Changes in Women Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa This chapter assesses the importance of freedom in women’s wellbeing in twelve Sub-Saharan Africa countries by using data from Demographic Health Surveys. This paper presents a poverty comparison by using the stochastic dominance approach and relies on the economic resources and freedom as the two aspects of wellbeing which evokes the multidimensionality of poverty. This study is related to the following three pieces of literature: the sequential stochastic dominance, the multidimensional poverty, the Sen’s capability approach which is based on freedom. This paper is built on Makdissi et al. (2014) but differs from it in a number of respects. First, it focuses on poverty instead of welfare. Secondly, it applies the Shapley decomposition to determine the contributions of the economic resource distribution and the incidence of the threat of domestic violence to poverty changes over time. Consistent with previous work on the importance of freedom, I find that more freedom, i.e. less threat of domestic violence, affects women’s wellbeing positively since it decreases women’s poverty. The results indicate that women’s wellbeing has improved in Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, and Zimbabwe and deteriorated in Ethiopia, Nigeria and Tanzania.