Fuel cells are electrochemical devices being developed for a variety of consumer applications including homes and vehicles. Before customers will accept this technology fuel cells must demonstrate suitable durability and reliability. One of the most important parts of a fuel cell stack is the polymer electrolyte membrane (PEM). This layer is responsible for conducting protons from anode to cathode and acting as a gas barrier, while operating in a harsh electrochemical environment. In order to develop better and more durable membranes researchers must understand the linkage between the causes of degradation, such as specific material properties and operational conditions. One significant mode of degradation of the electrolyte membrane is through chemical degradation caused by the crossover of reactant gases leading to the formation of peroxide and ultimately radical species. These radicals are able to attack vulnerable groups in the polymer structure of the membrane. The result is membrane thinning, increased gas crossover, fluoride ion release, and voltage degradation. Considerable experimental work has been done to understand these mechanisms, although there has been no attempt to model the connection between the causes of degradation and the physical effects of degradation on the electrolyte membrane. Such a model can be used as a valuable tool when evaluating different degradation mechanisms, developing stronger materials, and enable estimation of the influence of fuel cell operation and system design on degradation. This work presents the development and application of a dynamic semi-mechanistic chemical degradation model for a reinforced membrane in a polymer electrolyte membrane fuel cell. The model was developed using single cell testing with Gore™ PRIMEA® series 5510 catalyst coated membranes under open circuit voltage (OCV) conditions. Such conditions are useful for accelerated testing since they are believed to enhance chemical degradation in membranes since reactant gas partial pressures are at their maximum. It was found that the electrolyte layer closer to the cathode catalyst preferentially degraded. Furthermore, cumulative fluoride release curves for the anode and cathode began to reach plateaus at similar times. The developed model proposes that as the cathode electrolyte layer is degraded, fluoride release slows due to a lack of reactants since the inert reinforcement layer creates a barrier between the cathode and anode electrolyte layers. It is also believed that all fluoride release originates at the degradation site at the cathode. By fitting key parameters, the fluoride release trends were simulated. The proposed model links material properties such as the membrane gas permeability, membrane thickness, and membrane reactivity, as well as operating parameters such as hydrogen partial pressure and relative humidity to fluoride release, thickness change, and crossover. Further investigation into degradation at OCV operation and different relative humidity conditions showed that initial hydrogen crossover measurements were a good indicator of degradation rate over long testing times. The proposed semi-mechanistic model was able to best model the results when using a second order dependence on the hydrogen crossover term. In all cases there was some discrepancy between the model and experimental data after long times. This was attributed to the onset and contribution of anode side degradation. The effect of drawing current on fluoride release was also investigated. Experimental results showed that with increasing current density the fluoride release rate decreased. Using the developed semi-mechanistic model it was proposed that a decrease in hydrogen crossover was primarily responsible for the reduction in chemical degradation of the membrane. A macro-homogeneous model of the anode catalyst layer was used to show that a reduction in hydrogen concentration through the catalyst layer when a current is drawn is a possible reason for the reduction in degradation. Finally the model was applied to three different dynamic drive cycles. The model was able to show that over different drive cycles, the fuel cell will experience different degradation rates. Thus the developed model can be used as a potential tool to evaluate degradation in systems.

Fuel cells are electrochemical devices being developed for a variety of consumer applications including homes and vehicles. Before customers will accept this technology fuel cells must demonstrate suitable durability and reliability. One of the most important parts of a fuel cell stack is the polymer electrolyte membrane (PEM). This layer is responsible for conducting protons from anode to cathode and acting as a gas barrier, while operating in a harsh electrochemical environment. In order to develop better and more durable membranes researchers must understand the linkage between the causes of degradation, such as specific material properties and operational conditions. One significant mode of degradation of the electrolyte membrane is through chemical degradation caused by the crossover of reactant gases leading to the formation of peroxide and ultimately radical species. These radicals are able to attack vulnerable groups in the polymer structure of the membrane. The result is membrane thinning, increased gas crossover, fluoride ion release, and voltage degradation. Considerable experimental work has been done to understand these mechanisms, although there has been no attempt to model the connection between the causes of degradation and the physical effects of degradation on the electrolyte membrane. Such a model can be used as a valuable tool when evaluating different degradation mechanisms, developing stronger materials, and enable estimation of the influence of fuel cell operation and system design on degradation. This work presents the development and application of a dynamic semi-mechanistic chemical degradation model for a reinforced membrane in a polymer electrolyte membrane fuel cell. The model was developed using single cell testing with Gore™ PRIMEA® series 5510 catalyst coated membranes under open circuit voltage (OCV) conditions. Such conditions are useful for accelerated testing since they are believed to enhance chemical degradation in membranes since reactant gas partial pressures are at their maximum. It was found that the electrolyte layer closer to the cathode catalyst preferentially degraded. Furthermore, cumulative fluoride release curves for the anode and cathode began to reach plateaus at similar times. The developed model proposes that as the cathode electrolyte layer is degraded, fluoride release slows due to a lack of reactants since the inert reinforcement layer creates a barrier between the cathode and anode electrolyte layers. It is also believed that all fluoride release originates at the degradation site at the cathode. By fitting key parameters, the fluoride release trends were simulated. The proposed model links material properties such as the membrane gas permeability, membrane thickness, and membrane reactivity, as well as operating parameters such as hydrogen partial pressure and relative humidity to fluoride release, thickness change, and crossover. Further investigation into degradation at OCV operation and different relative humidity conditions showed that initial hydrogen crossover measurements were a good indicator of degradation rate over long testing times. The proposed semi-mechanistic model was able to best model the results when using a second order dependence on the hydrogen crossover term. In all cases there was some discrepancy between the model and experimental data after long times. This was attributed to the onset and contribution of anode side degradation. The effect of drawing current on fluoride release was also investigated. Experimental results showed that with increasing current density the fluoride release rate decreased. Using the developed semi-mechanistic model it was proposed that a decrease in hydrogen crossover was primarily responsible for the reduction in chemical degradation of the membrane. A macro-homogeneous model of the anode catalyst layer was used to show that a reduction in hydrogen concentration through the catalyst layer when a current is drawn is a possible reason for the reduction in degradation. Finally the model was applied to three different dynamic drive cycles. The model was able to show that over different drive cycles, the fuel cell will experience different degradation rates. Thus the developed model can be used as a potential tool to evaluate degradation in systems.

Senator Al Gore Jr. was elected Vice-President of the United States on November 3, 1992. During many of his public speeches, Gore utilized a speaking style that differed radically from the style he used in other political campaigns of his life. This style, which will be called the "rhetoric of self-disclosure," can be characterized as consisting of a particular language style that is associated with the self-help movement that became popular in the United States during the 1980's. This language consists of phrases and terms such as "co-dependency," "dysfunction," "dysfunctional families," "denial," and others. In an attempt to understand the uses and effects of this rhetorical device, the theories of Edwin Black are used as a critical model. A combination of two theories, specifically the theories of secrecy and disclosure and the second persona, produced a unique critical methodology that generated insight into Gore as a speaker, and the applications of this unique rhetorical style. A literature survey provides information not only about Gore's political and personal history, but also about the growth and success of the self-help movement in the United States. Included in this review were a number of public addresses given by Gore in the 1992 campaign, his book Earth in the Balance: Ecology and the Human Spirit, and discussions of the self-help movement and therapy groups. The critical evaluation of Gore's public address provides a number of conclusions. The rhetoric of self-disclosure is rhetorical strategy that has never been used in American Presidential politics and is a radical departure from other, more accepted forms of presidential rhetoric. Also, the use of this strategy gives insight into the character of Gore as a person, a speaker, and a national political leader. / Graduation date: 1994

Univ. Católica Portuguese., Diss.--Lisboa, 2002. / Mit engl Zsfassg.

Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Illinois University, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 93-102).

The Gore Canyon-Kremmling area is in the southwestern portion of the Kremmling 15-minute quadrangle, Colorado. Precambrian rocks are biotite gneiss, the Boulder Creek Granodiorite, granophyre dikes, and quartz veins. The Boulder Creek Granodiorite intrudes the biotite gneiss, and both of these units are cut by north-northwest-trending, granophyre dikes and quartz veins. Biotite gneiss contains structure elements of a northwest and a northeast fold system. Lineations and foliations in the Boulder Creek Granodiorite are generally concordant to the northeast fold system of the gneiss. Late Paleozoic to Mesozoic and Mesozoic sedimentary formations, in ascending order and with their approximate thicknesses, are the State Bridge Formation, 15 feet; the Chinle and Chugwater Formations undivided, 0-95 feet; the Sundance Formations 0?-100 feet; the Morrison Formation, 250 feet; the Dakota Sandstone, 225 feet; the Benton Shale, 340 feet; the Niobrara Formation, 600 feet; and the Pierre Shale. Quaternary deposits are terrace, landslide, and modern flood-plain deposits. Laramide rock deformation is related to the Park Reuse uplift and includes faulting and, in the sediments, some folding. Some of the faults, including the regional Gore fault, are Precambrian structures reactivated in Laramide time.

Thesis advisor: Alan Rogers / The following narrative traces the political lives of James Sullivan, Christopher Gore, Rufus King and John Quincy Adams, four Massachusetts men who were actively involved in the creation of state and national policy during the formative years of the new republic. Their years of public service bridged the critical period between the Revolution and the period of Democratic- Republican dominance. Because they knew each other so well, corresponded with one another on a regular basis, and held so many different state and national government posts, their lives provide an ideal vehicle to explore and better understand the changes that were taking place in post-Revolutionary Massachusetts. Their stories help trace the evolution of Massachusetts from a Federalist stronghold into a legitimate multi-party state firmly committed to the national union. The primary figure in this study is Sullivan, the oldest of the four men, who was the state's highest ranking Republican leader during much of the Federalist Era. A staunch opponent of the Federalist assumption that government should be in the hands of the natural gentry and ruling class, he spent his adult life promoting equal access to power. After serving as a member of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress from 1774 to 1776, Sullivan was an active participant in the creation of the new state government. He later served as attorney general for seventeen years, from 1790 to 1807, through several Federalist administrations and served as a member of state legislature for many years. He also was a member of the Supreme Judicial Court and, in the final years of his life, governor of the Commonwealth. Because he participated in or observed firsthand the most significant political events of his day, his words also help trace, as few others could, the gradual transformation of Massachusetts from a one party state to a multi-party state. His election as governor in 1807 was clear evidence of the growing strength of the Republican Party in Massachusetts and of the extent to which the emerging national consensus had grown. Christopher Gore, whose stature and perspective were more deeply rooted in the colonial past, stood in stark personal as well as political contrast to Sullivan. As a conservative Federalist who often served as spokesman for his party during this period, Gore was a major player in the Massachusetts legal community and government between the American Revolution and early years of the nineteenth century. He stubbornly adhered to the aristocratic belief that the government should only be managed by the propertied class and traditional ruling elite. Where Sullivan was a sentimental moralist who hated everything British, Gore was the stern and unyielding spokesman for the merchant class who seemingly admired everything British. Where Sullivan's father had emigrated from Ireland, the victim of oppressive Penal Laws, Gore's father was a Tory, who fled Boston with the British in March 1776. Though Gore himself supported the Revolution, he was never able to shed, or indeed temper, his attachment to Great Britain in later years. As perhaps the most passionate defender of everything British in the years after the Revolution, Gore's habits and customs reflected the old deferential order and embodied everything Sullivan opposed. Despite their personal and political differences, Sullivan and Gore shared a close personal friend. Rufus King was a longtime confidant of both men, corresponding with each of them over many years. Though King's habits and background were more similar to those of Gore than Sullivan, he was less rooted in the colonial past than his conservative friend. Though an ardent Federalist, he was respected by men on both sides of the political aisle and served not only as a bridge between the two parties, but as a bridge between the two branches of his own party. It is because he enjoyed such a close personal relationship with Sullivan and Gore, and corresponded with both men on a regular basis, that King provides a unique vehicle to explore the differences between the two parties during this critical period in Massachusetts political history. The fourth subject of this study is John Quincy Adams. The fiercely independent one-time Federalist, who, though born many years after Gore, King, and Sullivan, became active in politics at a very young age and crossed political paths with all three men on a regular basis. Although born a member of the second generation of political leaders, Quincy Adams identified with the first generation of Revolutionary leaders. He matured early and took part in every critical debate that took place after the ratification of the Constitution. From the beginning, Quincy Adams charted an independent course and played a critical role in the growth of the Republican Party. John Quincy Adams is particularly relevant to this study because his political transformation reflected the change in attitude that was taking place in Massachusetts and the country in the early years of the nineteenth century. He represented a commitment to the interests of union over sectional concerns. A strong and independent unionist throughout his life, Quincy Adams eventually came to represent a new global nationalism. In many respects, Quincy Adams was the `transition man' in post- Revolutionary America. The son of a colonial who was very much a product of the deferential society of the eighteenth century, young Adams came to embrace the principle of majority rule. His elevation to the highest political posts in the country marked the final stage in America's transition from colony to union to nation. James Sullivan, Christopher Gore and Rufus King each played significant roles in the establishment of constitutional government in Massachusetts and in the United States. Though he was considered a member of the so-called Hancock faction, a group viewed as primarily anti-Constitutionalist, Sullivan was an independent thinker. He would call for greater legal safeguards for the benefit of the more vulnerable and for the end of the practice of multiple office holding which had long been a tool of the ruling elite to maintain power and influence.   A vocal proponent of the national government before King, Gore and Hancock, Sullivan had long recognized the importance of strengthening the central government. His embrace of participatory government and of law aimed at protecting all classes of people naturally appealed to a wider audience would continue to contribute to the democratization of Massachusetts politics. With a new national government in place and a new political era begun, Sullivan, King, Gore, and soon Quincy Adams, were uniquely positioned to play significant, if competing, roles in the coming struggle. This narrative differs from other secondary works on post-colonial Massachusetts in several respects. Firstly, the significant role played by Sullivan in the growth of Republicanism in Massachusetts has been largely overlooked by historians. His persistent calls for equal access to power stood in stark contrast to the views of the Federalists who dominated Massachusetts government in the years after the American Revolution. His active participation in regional politics both during and after the Revolution helped the people of Massachusetts in their transition from colony to state. Furthermore, he was one of the first Massachusetts political leaders to insist on placing the new central government on a sound financial footing. Indeed, his call for a strengthened and sufficiently financed national government predated the efforts of Massachusetts Federalists, including King and Gore. He was, I contend, one of the first political leaders of either party to be considered a true `nationalist.' While Quincy Adams' support for Jefferson's Embargo and his conversion to Republicanism have been well documented, this work explores the link between Sullivan and Quincy Adams, and details the critically important role they played in the national debate over how to respond to British aggression towards American shipping and American sailors. Though Gordon Wood and other historians point to the Embargo as the single biggest failure of Jefferson and his Republican supporters, I contend the opposite is true. The Embargo highlighted the central difference between the two parties, and though it provided Federalists with a temporary victory, it also sowed the seeds of their defeat. The Embargo enabled men like Sullivan and Quincy Adams to clarify one of the central issues of the post-Revolutionary period, ... national honor. Though Paul Goodman correctly points out that Republicanism tapped into the growing sense of nationalism in the country, I carry the discussion further and detail the growing disconnect between the Federalist Party and the American people. Quincy Adams, in particular, articulated the need to announce to the world that the United States would not submit to foreign aggression. Furthermore, his call for a stronger and expanded union, even if it meant a loss of power and prestige for Massachusetts, would soon strike a chord with a growing majority of Americans. Quincy Adams personified the shift in the national mood and represented a new national perspective. When John Quincy Adams left the Federalist Party, many Americans left with him. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

An Inconvenient Truth (2006) och The planet (2006) är två stycken dokumentärfilmer som behandlar klimathotet och dess globala följder. Uppsatsen diskuterar den retoriska meningen och de retoriska skiljaktigheter, likheter mellan dokumentärfilmerna. Den diskuterar även syftet av de filmsekvenser som används till varje tal/intervju. Uppsatsen innehåller analyser av varje film samt en analyssummering mellan båda filmerna. An Inconvenient Truth (2006) är en dokumentärfilm med fokus på Al Gores och hans kampanj där han försöker informera folk gällande klimathotet. The Planet (2006) är en dokumentärfilm med olika typer av forskare och experter som med hjälp av statistik från forskning belyser vad som händer och kommer att hända med planeten. / An Inconvenient Truth (2006) and The Planet (2006) are both documentaries with focus on the climate change and its global causes. This report discusses the rhetorical meaning and rhetorical differences, likenesses between the documentaries. It also discusses the purpose in choosing types of visual scenes to each speech/interweave. The report contain analyzes of each movie and a analyze summit between both movies. An Inconvenient Truth (2006) is a documentary with the focus on Al Gore with his campaign to inform people about the climate change. The Planet (2006) is a documentary including different kind of scientists and experts who use statistics from their research to show what is happening and what will happen to the planet.

<p>An Inconvenient Truth (2006) och The planet (2006) är två stycken dokumentärfilmer som behandlar klimathotet och dess globala följder. Uppsatsen diskuterar den retoriska meningen och de retoriska skiljaktigheter, likheter mellan dokumentärfilmerna. Den diskuterar även syftet av de filmsekvenser som används till varje tal/intervju. Uppsatsen innehåller analyser av varje film samt en analyssummering mellan båda filmerna. An Inconvenient Truth (2006) är en dokumentärfilm med fokus på Al Gores och hans kampanj där han försöker informera folk gällande klimathotet. The Planet (2006) är en dokumentärfilm med olika typer av forskare och experter som med hjälp av statistik från forskning belyser vad som händer och kommer att hända med planeten.</p> / <p>An Inconvenient Truth (2006) and The Planet (2006) are both documentaries with focus on the climate change and its global causes. This report discusses the rhetorical meaning and rhetorical differences, likenesses between the documentaries. It also discusses the purpose in choosing types of visual scenes to each speech/interweave. The report contain analyzes of each movie and a analyze summit between both movies. An Inconvenient Truth (2006) is a documentary with the focus on Al Gore with his campaign to inform people about the climate change. The Planet (2006) is a documentary including different kind of scientists and experts who use statistics from their research to show what is happening and what will happen to the planet.</p>

Shared leadership is one of the newest leadership frameworks to date, and it’s currently taking the organizational world by storm. By analyzing previous leadership models and theories, it is clear that shared leadership evolved from these prior ideas. Yet, shared leadership also differs significantly enough that there is much left to be explored and researched on the topic. Due to the fact that shared leadership research is still in early stages, we have very few examples to study in real life settings. Some organizations have adopted shared leadership as their primary leadership structure throughout the entire company, though. W.L. Gore is a completely flat company that does not have bosses, titles, direct reports, or anything that resembles most corporations around the world. The well-known self-help group, Alcoholics Anonymous, also functions using a shared leadership model. However, shared leadership is still mostly a mystery. Even with some examples of the model available for study, there has been little research done on the actual interactions between team members that create a successful shared leadership structure. The limited knowledge that we currently have in relation to shared leadership—its origins, its framework, its application, its barriers, its future—is presented in the following pages.