Tato doktorská disertační práce zabývající se vztahem mezi interním auditem a risk managementem organizace z pohledu interního auditu, včetně níže prezentovaného výzkumu, si klade za cíl: ? identifikovat požadavky na vzájemné vztahy mezi interním auditem a risk managementem uvnitř různých typů organizací ? identifikovat současnou praxi uplatňování interního auditu v různých typech organizací ve středoevropském regionu ve vztahu k nastavenému risk managementu ? srovnat a zdůraznit rozdíly mezi požadavky a současnou praxí ? vytvořit (v souladu s výše uvedeným) koncepční a terminologický rámec pro měření výkonnosti systému risk managementu v organizaci K naplnění tohoto cíle posloužila shromážděná empirická data získaná dotazníkovou metodou a zpracovaná na základě retrospektivní a průběžné rešerše literatury prováděné v předchozích dvou letech, analýza výsledků a následná syntéza poznatků z definovaných zdrojů.

This thesis addresses the question of who votes in Africa and why. It uses three sets of quantitative data at three different levels to test its claims: an original compilation of national level institutional and socioeconomic indicators for over 700 elections from independence until 2006 compiled by the author; the Afrobarometer survey of almost 50 000 voters in 17 multiparty African regimes; and the first ever purpose-built survey aimed at testing rational choice turnout models in an African case study, which was designed, administered and analysed by the author in 2005 in Durban, South Africa. It uses a mixture of statistical methods to test comprehensively the determinants of voting in pooled and multilevel, logistic and linear, individual and national level models. It finds that the central claims of the rational choice model do not generally apply in African elections. Both the closeness of the election and the costs of participation are not found to be central to the voting calculus of African voters. Instead those citizens who face the highest barriers to participation in the West: the rural, poor and minimally educated, are the citizens who vote most in Africa. The thesis argues that this is because turnout in Africa is mobilised turnout and these are the groups of people targeted by mobilising agents. It further finds that three central institutions of African politics; ethnicity, clientelism and regime type further structure patterns of mobilisation in ways that have been entirely neglected in studies of turnout until now. Finally, it confirms that voting is habitual and that voters are socialised by formative experiences in their youth, especially the nature of the regime that they grow up in and how democratic they think the country is.

The current terrorist threat that Sweden and other countries are facing is far more complex than before. In 2005, the National Centre for Terrorist Threat Assessment (NCT) was established to conduct strategic terrorism threat assessments. Three years later, NCT became a permanent working group staffed with designated employees from three different government authorities; the Swedish Security Service (Säpo), National Defence Radio Establishment (FRA) and the Swedish Armed Forces’ Military Intelligence and Security Directorate (Must).  This study aims at understanding how co-operation is conducted between the designated government authorities within the NCT, when developing strategic threat assessments. The study also examines if today’s cooperation and information exchange is working satisfactorily or if it should be developed, and in that case what obstacles and which success it could have.    The used methodology is based on a qualitative approach, consisting of information collection from both official documents and semi-structured interviews with past and present employees directly and indirectly affiliated with NCT. The information is then analyzed based on the perspectives of co-operation and governance.  The study concludes that the participating authorities, apart from the designated employees, lack full knowledge and understanding of NCTs task, as national coordinating function for strategic terrorism threat assessments. The lack of knowledge and understanding of different government´s tasks lead to work being conducted in silos, which could lead to information is not disseminated to the appropriate recipient.  Due to the complex nature of the current threat, there is a need for involvement of more authorities and organization in NCTs work, in order to enhance the knowledge of the threat and minimize the risk of valuable information loss. The study also displays that NCTs capability to produce long-term assessment and hamper the risk of an “information bubble” can be reduced by decentralized command structure. Finally, this study shows that information exchange between authorities and NCT can be facilitated by common IT-systems, continuous staffing, and co-localization. / Sverige och världen står inför en alltmer komplex hotbild när det kommer till terrorism. För att göra strategiska terrorhotbedömningar, som tillsammans med övriga bedömningar, ligger till grund för den hotnivå som beslutas av Säkerhetspolischefen, så bildas 2005 - Nationellt Centrum för Terrorhotbedömning (NCT). NCT blev en permanent grupp 2009 och består av representanter från tre olika myndigheter – Säkerhetspolisen (Säpo), Försvarsmakten (FM) med Militära underrättelse- och säkerhetstjänsten (Must) och Försvarets Radioanstalt (FRA). Syftet med denna studie har varit att få förståelse för hur samverkan mellan myndigheterna inom NCT fungerar vid framtagning av strategiska terrorhotbedömningar. Denna studie har också sökt svar på om samverkan och informationsdelning fungerar fullt ut idag vid NCT eller om samverkan skulle kunna utvecklas framöver, vilka framgångsfaktorer och hinder det finns för en sådan utveckling. Studien har utgått från en kvalitativ metod där officiella dokument och skrivelser har granskats för att ta reda på hur myndighetssamverkan och myndighetsstyrning regleras i dessa, och hur ansvarsfördelningen ser ut mellan respektive myndighet. Vidare har det genomförts semistrukturerade intervjuer med personer som har en direkt eller indirekt koppling till NCT. Det empiriska underlag som fåtts fram har sedan analyserats tillsammans med utvalda referenser som har koppling till myndighetsstyrning och samverkan. Studiens slutsatser visar att hemmamyndigheterna saknar full kunskap och förståelse för uppgiften som NCT har, att vara den strategiska samordningsfunktionen för terrorhotbedömningar. Avsaknad av kunskap och förståelse för olika myndigheters uppgifter leder till att arbete sker i stuprör, vilket kan leda till att information inte sprids till de som behöver den. För att kunna hantera den komplexa hotbild som Sverige står inför behöver fler myndigheter och organisationer stödja NCT:s arbete, detta för att bredda kunskapen och minska riskerna att information går förlorad. Vidare visar studien att förmågan vid NCT att göra strategiskt långsiktiga bedömningar och motverka att hamna i en ”informationsbubbla”, där man riskerar att göra för kortsiktiga och snäva bedömningar, sker med stöd av en decentraliserad ledningsstruktur. Slutligen visar studien att det som underlättar för informationsdelning mellan myndigheterna och NCT är gemensam sambands och IT-utrustning, kontinuitet på personal med rätt kunskap och att vara samlokaliserade.

The research problem of this thesis is to explore the effects of top-down, bureaucratic definitions of belonging and social identity on urban social relations. More specifically, the thesis analyses the ways in which the nativist categorisations of indigeneity in Kano and autochtonie in Amsterdam can help to understand the tensions between ethnic groups in these two cities. Methodologically, the study is designed as a least-similar, comparative exploration and uses mixed qualitative and quantitative methods in its case studies of Kano and Amsterdam. Theoretically, this study uses identity cleavages and identification as the mediators between policy categories and social relations. It combines social-psychological, historical, and institutional theories to link bureaucratic nativism to ethnic identities and, finally, to conflictual (or ‘destructive’) interethnic relations. The resulting theoretical argument of the thesis is that nativist policy categorisations are likely conducive to antagonism, avoidance, and conflict between groups defined as ‘natives’ and ‘settlers’. The central finding of the thesis is that both in Kano and in Amsterdam, indigeneity and autochtonie have entrenched a primordial and competitive (or ‘exclusionary’) notion of ethnic identities and have thus been conducive to interethnic antagonism, avoidance, and conflict. Introduced at a time of rapid immigration, social change, and persistent horizontal inequalities, the two top-down policy categories came to redefine urban belonging in Kano and Amsterdam. As a result, previously apolitical ethnic boundaries between ‘natives’ and ‘settlers’ became politicised, connected to exclusionary definitions of religion and class, and ranked on the basis of their claim to a primordial ‘native’ status - that is, their status as historical ‘first-comers’ in their place of residence. The categorisation and group positioning effects of nativism have, therefore, intensified the urban struggle to belong in Kano and Amsterdam. At the same time, however, the thesis underlines that ethnic conflict in Kano and Amsterdam is limited, partly because nativist forms of belonging are continuously challenged by, for example, inclusive multiculturalism in Kano and urban citizenship in Amsterdam.