This dissertation explores Israeli architectural and construction aid in the 1960s – “the African decade” – when the majority of sub-Saharan African states gained independence from colonial rule. In the Cold War competition over development, Israel distinguished its aid by alleging a postcolonial status, similar geography, and a shared history of racial oppression to alleviate fears of neocolonial infiltration. I critically examine how Israel presented itself as a model for rapid development more applicable to African states than the West, and how the architects negotiated their professional practice in relation to the Israeli Foreign Ministry agendas, the African commissioners' expectations, and the international disciplinary discourse on modern architecture. I argue that while architectural modernism was promoted in the West as the International Style, Israeli architects translated it to the African context by imbuing it with nation-building qualities such as national cohesion, labor mobilization, skill acquisition and population dispersal. Based on their labor-Zionism settler-colonial experience, as well as criticisms of the mass construction undertaken in Israel in its first decade, the architects diverged from technocratic "high modernism" to accommodate the needs of African weak governments. Focusing on prestigious governmental and educational buildings such as the Sierra Leone parliament, Ife University in Nigeria, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Ethiopia, as well as urban and national planning schemes, this study brings to the fore the performative capacities of these projects in relation to the national and international audiences they addressed as vehicles of governance and markers of a desired modernity. In other words, this study examines the role these projects played in the mobilization of workers, funds, lands, infrastructure and policy making. Cutting across North-South and East-West dichotomies, the study of this modality of transnational exchange sheds new light on processes of modernization and globalization and exposes their diverse cultural and political underpinnings.

Transportation problems such as traffic congestion and traffic emission draw growing attention along with rapid urbanization and growth of urban transportation sector in developing countries. This dissertation focuses on a series of transportation policies implemented by the government of Beijing and explores their potential effects in the aspect of reducing traffic congestion, improving air quality, and saving energy. This dissertation is composed by three essays. The first essay exploits an idiosyncratic feature of a driving restriction policy and examines the effects of having more vehicles on the road on traffic congestion, ambient air pollution, and contemporaneous health. The findings suggest that traffic congestion has substantial environmental and health externalities in Beijing but that they are also responsive to policy. The second essay explores the effects of opening new subway lines on traffic congestion and ambient air pollution in Beijing. Results show that the expansion of subway networks significantly decreases traffic congestion, and is associated with improvements in air quality in areas located close to the newly opened subway lines. The third essay estimates the price and income elasticities of vehicular gasoline demand to explore the potential effect of fuel tax on transportation gasoline consumption in Beijing.

I study bailout policy in open economies and the relationship between openness and institutions. Chapter 1 studies jointly optimal bailout policy and monetary policy in open economies. I document that countries with larger foreign currency liability/GDP ratio before financial crises underwent larger currency devaluation, inflation and bailout in crises. I build a quantitative open economy model with both nominal rigidities and financial frictions. Using the model, I show that in a world without bailout while currency mismatch effect is present, larger foreign currency liability before crises calls for smaller currency devaluation in crises, embracing the notion of ``fear of floating''. The incorporation of optimal government bailout, whose cost needs to be financed by inflation tax, can overturn the above negative relationship between foreign currency liability and currency devaluation, delivering results consistent with the empirical findings. Finally, I use firm level data to show that whether firms suffer from currency mismatch effect or not during crises hinges on their chance of obtaining bailout. Chapter 2 examines the joint dynamics of private and public external debt for countries. We develop a model with the co-occurrence of banking crisis and sovereign debt crisis in open economies, formalizing Reinhart and Rogoff (2011) findings ``from financial crash to debt crisis". External interest rate spikes or sudden stop shocks force banks to cut down debt position and fire-sale capital. The existence of frictions in bank equity market creates incentives for the government to initiate a bailout. The government bails out banks by increasing external borrowing and implementing fiscal austerity to undo inefficiencies in the private sector. Under optimal bailout scheme, the model generates diverging external debt dynamics for the private sector and the government during a crisis, as we document in the European data. Finally, we investigate two rationales for ex-ante macro-prudential regulations on private external debt: fire-sale externalities between banks and moral hazard by banks.Chapter 3 (joint with Shang-Jin Wei) explores the relationship between openness and institutions. Quality of public institutions has been recognized as a crucial determinant of macroeconomic outcomes. We propose that a country's intrinsic level of openness (due to population size, geography, or exogenous trade opportunities) affects its incentives in investing in better institutions. We present a simple theory and extensive empirical evidence validating the role of intrinsic openness in determining institutional quality. This suggests an indirect but important channel for globalization to improve welfare by raising the quality of institutions.

Understanding how domestic institutions and actors interplay with international and foreign influences is key not only to understand the politics of decision-making in the globalized world we live in, but also to understand why global policies – or policies promoted by transnational and international actors – may (or may not) be implemented and have the intended effects “on the ground.” This dissertation sets to disentangle the all too often conflated parts of these dynamics by separately addressing the domestic processes of adopting, enforcing, as well as, in certain cases, preparing policy change influenced from abroad. It does so through the lens of the politics of drinking water and sanitation in Latin America from 1980 to 2014 and consists in three independent papers. The first paper addresses the diffusion of politicized policies, and more precisely the privatization of drinking water and sanitation services. This paper highlights one overlooked dimension of policy diffusion processes and more specifically of privatization processes: the preparatory measures adopted (or not) by governments prior to privatization. It suggests that the ability of governments to adopt gradual preparatory measures depends on the time horizon of privatization deciders and the political cost this preparatory gradual policy change may entail for the process. Theoretically, it contributes to the neo-institutionalist literature by adding a “preparatory” type of change to the existing framework of gradual institutional policy changes. Substantively, it underlines the redistributive consequences of privatization processes and the political dynamics behind the level of political risk these reforms may entail. The second and third papers underline the multifaceted effects of state capacity on policy diffusion for non-politicized (or technical) policies through the empirical analysis of the domestic adoption and implementation of drinking-water quality standards following the promotion of the World Health Organization’s drinking-water quality guidelines. The second paper argues that strong state capacity tends to limit the adoption of a diffused policy that represents a strong domestic challenge. It contributes to the institutionalist literature by underlining the relevance to compare and measure state capacity on the basis of its resources (required to project its power), rather than on its ends or outcomes (which depend on the political choices that were made by the state). The third paper presents the other side of the coin of the impact of state capacity on diffusion of non-politicized policies, at the implementation step. At this step, strong state capacity gives the capacity to extensively implement a diffused policy, but implementation will remain partial if there are no external pressures on the sector. In weak states, policy diffusion can be both window-dressing and frame-shaping, depending on political dynamics. To be frame-shaping, it needs a sustained foreign capacity support (that can compensate for the weakness of the state) and strong external pressures. Overall, this thesis disentangles the policy diffusion process by highlighting that receiving states and actors are not only passive agents but also proactive ones, regarding the adoption, enforcement, and preparation of policy changes influenced from abroad. It also contributes to the understanding of two dimensions of water reforms in Latin America largely overlooked by the literature and policy studies: measures lessening the privatization shock and drinking-water quality standards. These issues, less salient than strongly politicized ones (like privatization itself), are as consequential in the life of states and their citizens, especially for their health and wellbeing.

This study examines the paradigm shift in urban planning towards a strategic spatial approach by investigating the effects of new strategic plans and policies on large-scale urban development projects (UDP’s). Specifically, it compares the impacts of new planning legislation and strategic local plans introduced in New York, Paris and Sao Paulo on three UDP’s in each city by evaluating the impacts on the development programs, implementation process and public benefits delivered from 2001 to 2012. The study provides an overview of the literature on strategic spatial planning theory and practice, comparative planning systems and large-scale urban public/ private developments to describe the overarching ‘spatial turn’ in planning and establish how different planning cultures influence plan making and what the consequences are for public/ private development, focusing on the mechanisms of flexibility provided by strategic plans to address the planning and financing requirements of UDP’s. It argues that despite of the formal differences found between systems as legal constructs, there is a need to investigate if these consequences actually occur and how they are produced. It then presents the case studies of the Special Hudson Yards District in New York City, the ‘Zone d’Amenagement Concerte Clichy-Batignolles’ in Paris and the ‘Operacao Urbana Agua Branca’ in Sao Paulo, focusing on the reform of the local statutes, planning process and implementation using quantitative and qualitative data collected through planning documents, press articles, interviews, observation of public meetings and field research. Each case study is representative of a different planning model where each project was developed after a revision of the local planning statutes and introduction of a new strategic city plan. The study finds that despite the formal differences between strategic plans, UDP’s cause planning systems to converge towards a similar intermediate model where policy determination becomes bidirectional and final development programs are determined by both strategic plans and site-specific considerations. The variations found between projects are instead determined by the broader development models present in each case which determine the implementation capacity of cities and ability to capitalize public resources to capture part of the resulting increment in land values and deliver public benefits. The study concludes with proposed implications for planning research and suggestions of policy formulations aimed at improving the ‘public return’ generated by UDP’s.

This study aims to understand the factors and dynamics that influenced a major social policy change. This is undertaken by unravelling the policymaking processes involved in the largest public pension scheme in Korea, the National Pension System (NPS). Changes to the NPS followed a very different direction to other expansionary welfare developments either in Korea or in similar East Asian welfare systems. This research set out to explain how and why this happened. This is examined via a case study approach with a particular focus on the role of policy actors. This provides an analysis of this single policy change across three time periods, which are characterised by different political and economic regimes: authoritarian rule; democratisation in the midst of a financial crisis; and finally a democracy in recovery from the financial crisis. Data was gained from 44 interviews with the actual policymakers and major policy actors involved, and was complemented by extensive archival data. The findings suggest that, first, although authoritarian governments in Korea may pursue social policy to harness economic development in order to legitimise their non-democratic rule, subtle yet crucial policy competition can still exist among key policy actors. Second, democratisation does not necessarily lead to a dominant view favouring welfare system expansion. Third, new major policy actors - strengthened by a democratic, centre-left government - may not always favour an expansive welfare system. The analysis suggests that, despite the emergence of an increased range and number of policy actors as the democracy matured, there was a marked continuity in policy development in the case of the NPS. Key policy actors pursued a reform in line with liberal economic policy that had been the dominant tendency during the authoritarian era. This suggests that the major mechanism contributing to this continuity was the role of a persistent and powerful epistemic policy community, members of which continued to influence policymaking throughout its development. The conclusion points to how incremental changes in the pension system led to the path dependency of the original policy ideas. We suggest that future research could apply a similar analytical approach to understanding change processes in various policy domains and to other East Asian welfare systems.

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So Ka Lok Carol. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-200). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction / Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Research Puzzle --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3 --- Research Questions and Major Thesis --- p.6 / Chapter 1.4 --- Layout of the Thesis --- p.8 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Analytical Framework / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2 --- State Feminism and the Stetson and Mazur Model --- p.12 / Chapter 2.3 --- The Macro Movement Dynamics: Political Opportunities Structure --- p.25 / Chapter 2.4 --- The Micro Movement Dynamics: Framing Political Opportunities --- p.33 / Chapter 2.5 --- Analytical Framework --- p.37 / Chapter 2.6 --- Methodological Orientations --- p.44 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Women's Policy Machineries in Hong Kong: A Historical and Structural Overview / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.51 / Chapter 3.2 --- Paving the Road --- p.51 / Chapter 3.3 --- "The Equal Opportunities Commission: The ""Equality"" Project" --- p.55 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Appointment of Members: The Critical but Mysterious Process --- p.57 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- EOC as Characterized by Investigation and Conciliation --- p.59 / Chapter 3.4 --- Women's Commission: The Umbrella Organization --- p.60 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- Actions of WoC --- p.62 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- Appointment of WoC Members --- p.63 / Chapter 3.4.3 --- The Structure of WoC: Following the International Pace? --- p.64 / Chapter 3.4.4 --- Relationship Between EOC and WoC --- p.66 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Struggling for a Seat: Participation in the Political Arena / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.69 / Chapter 4.2 --- Gaining an Entrance --- p.70 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- The Significance of Gaining an Entrance --- p.79 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Obstacles in Entering the System --- p.81 / Chapter 4.3 --- Collaborations and Participations with the System --- p.89 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Gender Mainstreaming: the Decision Making Process / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.100 / Chapter 5.2 --- Defining the Equal Opportunities Agenda --- p.101 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- "The Legalistic Role: ""Three Ordinances Commission""?" --- p.102 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Equal Opportunities as the Balancing of Interests among Different Parties --- p.104 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Conciliation and the Role of the EOC --- p.106 / Chapter 5.2.4 --- Structural Barriers in the Equal Opportunities Agenda --- p.113 / Chapter 5.3 --- Defining the Gender Mainstreaming Agenda --- p.115 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- The Conception of Gender Mainstreaming and the Role of the WoC --- p.116 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Defining Women Issues and Empowerment: The Capacity Building Mileage Programme --- p.123 / Chapter 5.4 --- The Equality Stool and the Gender Mainstreaming Agenda --- p.128 / Chapter 5.5 --- Barriers for Placing Women's Issues on the Political Agenda --- p.133 / Chapter 5.5.1 --- From Women to the Women's Policy Machineries --- p.134 / Chapter 5.5.2 --- From the Central Mechanism to the Government Political Agenda --- p.139 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Towards a New Women's Movement Agenda / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.144 / Chapter 6.2 --- State Feminism and the Institutionalization of Women's Movement --- p.145 / Chapter 6.3 --- Entering the Institution: an Inevitable Dilemma --- p.148 / Chapter 6.4 --- The Third Face of Power: The Underlying Thesis --- p.159 / Chapter 6.5 --- Political Opportunities under the State-feminization --- p.161 / Chapter 6.5.1 --- Political Opportunities and the Transformation of Movement Agenda --- p.161 / Chapter 6.5.2 --- Recapturing the Political Opportunities: the Empowerment Process --- p.163 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion: Towards a Diversified Conception of State Feminism and Feminist Movement Politics --- p.171 / Appendices / Appendix I Interview Questions --- p.183 / Appendix II Details of the Interviewees --- p.185 / Appendix III Mission of EOC and WoC --- p.187 / Appendix IV SDO Chapter 480 Section63 --- p.188 / Bibliography --- p.189

黃美美. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 附參考文獻. / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Huang Meimei. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Fu can kao wen xian. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

This dissertation explored the lives of women with disabilities who have to suffer more than men with disabilities despite prevailing disability policies in Nepal that emphasize nondiscrimination against people with disabilities. The study explored the idea that there are policy gaps between disability policies and the narratives of women with disabilities. This dissertation used critical sexual theory and postcolonialism as critical frameworks and narrative analysis as a method to analyze the disability policies and narratives of women with disabilities to explore policy gaps and the need for supportive gender policies. The researcher analyzed the literary works of five female Nepali authors with disabilities: Radhika Dahal, Jhamak Ghimire, Sabitri Karki, Parijaat, and Mira Sahi, in Nepal. With the support of NVivo qualitative research software, and the use of the frameworks and methodology, the researcher discovered the policy gaps and underscored the need for supportive gender policies to address the emotional and psychological needs of women with disabilities. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2019. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection