The survey arose out of the interest of the Indian Affairs Branch in present and future housing needs of the Squamish Band. The information gathered was to be used for the purpose of planning an adequate housing scheme and for the development of a modern community. The plan of the study was to present some historical background of the Squamish people, to show through the survey of the reserve, the need for better housing, and the rehabilitation possibilities of the people through the development of a modern community project on the Capilano Reserve. Implicit in the study of housing needs were the welfare needs of the people. Two surveys were made, and two schedules were involved in the gathering of the material. The method used was that of visiting the homes and families on the reserve, and having the questionnaires completed. There was thus a day to day visit to the reserves, and a continuous contact with the people over a considerable period of time. Although almost all homes on the reserve were visited, the information used in the tables was based on a random selection of twenty-seven homes. The study revealed in its broad outline that the second-class status of the Indian people has resulted in second-class living conditions. Housing conditions are sub-marginal and overcrowding is general in almost every instance. The welfare program lacks coordination and is inadequate to the needs of the families. Breakdown of family life is general. It appeared obvious that only a comprehensive program meeting the social and psychological needs of the people could adequately solve the many inter-related problems of the Squamish people. In addition it seemed clear that no program could really succeed unless the people themselves were intimately involved in its development. / Arts, Faculty of / Social Work, School of / Graduate

Summary: It is the object of this essay to present a survey of public opinion respecting native policy in the year prior to the outbreak of the first Taranaki war. As European New Zealanders were in 1859 experiencing their third year of Responsible Government, the tone of public opinion is of particular interest, for theoretically the widely enfranchised public had it in their power to influence official policy by their votes. Although the field of Responsible Government did not, in theory, extend to Native Affairs, in practice this limitation was by no means absolute. Gore Browne�s power of ultimate decision was considerably modified by his avowed ignorance of Maori language, character, and customs; and by his dependence on the representative Assembly for funds to execute a positive native policy. He thus relied heavily on the Staff of the Native Department to supply his former deficiency; and agreed to allow a responsible minister to advise him on Native Affairs. This system in practice prevented the formulation and execution of a positive native policy, and involved a dangerous opportunity for irresponsible action. The equivocal nature of responsibility for native affairs was also a handicap to the development of public opinion, which was unable to concentrate on a supreme source of effective authority. For these reasons, the essay will contain particular reference to the question of divided responsibility.

The thesis explores the practical, moral and intellectual forces shaping native policy making in North America. It is argued that white society is struggling with an unresolved dialectic between its economic desires and its political idealism and that this conflict is expressed in native policy making as a simultaneous affirmation and denial of aboriginal rights. This theme is traced comparatively through Canadian and American native policy making histories from 1763 to 1990, focusing on three major policy areas: Indian dispossession, Indian political incorporation and Indian economic integration.

Summary: It is the object of this essay to present a survey of public opinion respecting native policy in the year prior to the outbreak of the first Taranaki war. As European New Zealanders were in 1859 experiencing their third year of Responsible Government, the tone of public opinion is of particular interest, for theoretically the widely enfranchised public had it in their power to influence official policy by their votes. Although the field of Responsible Government did not, in theory, extend to Native Affairs, in practice this limitation was by no means absolute. Gore Browne�s power of ultimate decision was considerably modified by his avowed ignorance of Maori language, character, and customs; and by his dependence on the representative Assembly for funds to execute a positive native policy. He thus relied heavily on the Staff of the Native Department to supply his former deficiency; and agreed to allow a responsible minister to advise him on Native Affairs. This system in practice prevented the formulation and execution of a positive native policy, and involved a dangerous opportunity for irresponsible action. The equivocal nature of responsibility for native affairs was also a handicap to the development of public opinion, which was unable to concentrate on a supreme source of effective authority. For these reasons, the essay will contain particular reference to the question of divided responsibility.

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South African historiography has tended to follow the Great Trek and to avoid the area between the Kei River and Natal. As a result, hardly any attention has been given to an unspectacular but significant chapter in the story of relations between black and white in the nineteenth century. The purpose of this thesis is to explore this by-way, and to examine the relations of the Amampondo and the Colonial authorities at the Cape and Natal between 1830 and 1886. For the greater part of this period these relations were governed, nominally at least, by the Treaty of 1844, and an attempt has been made to assess its value as an Instrument regulating the dealings of a European power and a native tribe. The Treaty System, of which it formed a part, was the creature of a day. Built up between 1334 and 1844, it was swept away by the Frontier War of 1846 and the Bloemfontein Convention of 1854. It has therefore been necessary to ask why the Mpondo Treaty remained a living force for so many years after its counterparts had been abandoned.

Bolivia's indigenous groups achieved an unprecedented level of political power in the latter half of the twentieth century. Traditional explanations for this phenomenon (elite alliances, deprivation, matter-of-time)have proven insufficient. This thesis argues that the ascendancy of Bolivia's groups can be best understood though he application of organization and social movement theories, and it uses the political economy framework as a backdrop. Data are drawn from scholarly analyses, official documents and historical texts. This thesis concludes that Bolivia's indigenous movement is not a single movement, but a coalition of many social movements. It demonstrates that ethnicity frameworks have in some cases hindered the progress of movements because of different understandings of ethnicity. Variegated interests, visions of the future, and geography, have exacerbated these differences. This thesis concludes with recommendations for strategic level policy-makers and tactical level operators.

The legend of Governor Grey is a major feature of nineteenth century New Zealand historiography. This thesis seeks to understand Grey as a real person. Acknowledging the past as a strange and foreign place, it argues that Grey (and previous interpretations of him) can only be understood in context. The intellectual milieu of liberal Anglicanism and Victorian structures of imperial authority are crucial to understanding Grey's policies of racial amalgamation. Focusing on Grey's first governorship of New Zealand, 1845 - 1853, this thesis begins by exploring the imperial networks within which he operated. The members of Grey's web gathered and shared information to further a range of different agendas - scientific, humanitarian, and political. Grey's main focus was native civilisation. His ideas about race were informed by liberal Anglican theology, scientific investigation and personal experience. Grey believed in the unity and improvability of all mankind. His mission as governor was to elevate natives to a state of true equality with Europeans so that all could progress together still further up the scale of civilisation. This model formed the basis of Grey's 1840 plan for civilising native peoples, in which he proposed a range of measures to promote racial amalgamation in Australia. Between 1845 and 1853 Grey implemented those measures in New Zealand. He used military force and British law to establish peace and enforce Crown authority. He used economic policies to encourage Maori integration in the colonial economy. He built schools and hospitals and enacted legislation to encourage the best features of British culture and limit the effects of its worst. He also augmented his power and encouraged amalgamation through personal relationships, official reports and the structures of colonial authority. Grey was driven by complex, sometimes contradictory motives including personal gain, economic imperatives and political pressures. His policies have had ongoing, often devastating effects, on Maori and on race relations in New Zealand. This thesis brings to light the ideas and attitudes which formed them. Grey understood himself as a Christian governor ordained to civilise Maori and join them with British settlers in accordance with God's divine plan for improving humankind.

Public university systems and institutions actively engage in legislative relations efforts with elected representatives who comprise state legislative bodies. Historically, the primary impetus for fostering legislative relations was to leverage appropriations. Funding issues remain an important component of higher education's interactions with legislators, in addition to the higher education policy decisions emanating from state capitols. This dissertation examines perceptions of state legislators and higher education administrators regarding government relations efforts by land-grand, research-extensive and major university systems. By utilizing semi-structured interviews with select state legislators and university administrators, this study explores the current state of practices utilized in legislative relations and summarizes "best practices" administrators may use in their efforts to maximize their work in the legislative process as it relates to higher education. Interviewing state legislators and university administrators falls into a category referred to as elite interviews. Such interviews are considered specialized in that they involve influential or prominent individuals and require carefully thought out approaches to arranging, conducting and recording the interview meetings. Qualitative interviewing techniques were utilized to explore the realm of higher education?s government relations efforts. Three major implications emerged in this study. First, the practice of legislative relations by university systems is as much art as science. No approach guarantees success, and the measurement of success is relative to the cultural, historical, political, and economic environment of a particular state. Second, state legislators' strongly encourage higher education to take a holistic view and moving beyond the traditional approach of each system or institution working solely in its own best interest. A third implication is that the structural rigidity and level of coordination in a system's government relations operation are reflective of the extent a system's goals supersede those of individual member institutions.

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