The history of ideas about Moriori origins, settlement, and culture has yet to be charted across the entire twentieth century. The thesis' primary goal is to begin the documentation of this in detail. It examines the two key strands of thought that have shaped this history of ideas: that Moriori were the remnants of a mainland pre-Maori people, and that they were the descendants of Maori voyagers. These sets of ideas existed simultaneously, which led to an intellectual history shaped by intersecting curves formed through long-ranging debate rather than a single linear progression of thought. Each strand of thought comprised several threads, or ideas about Moriori history that altered over time. The thesis traces this history of ideas about Moriori origins, settlement, and culture through texts, from Alexander Shand's ethnological analysis The Moriori People of the Chatham Islands, published in 1911, to Barry Barclay's 2000 documentary, The Feathers of Peace. It establishes the ideas advanced in key texts on Moriori history, explores the context in which these texts were produced, and suggests a link between shifts in debate and contemporary relations between Maori and Pakeha.

Summary: It is the object of this essay to present a survey of public opinion respecting native policy in the year prior to the outbreak of the first Taranaki war. As European New Zealanders were in 1859 experiencing their third year of Responsible Government, the tone of public opinion is of particular interest, for theoretically the widely enfranchised public had it in their power to influence official policy by their votes. Although the field of Responsible Government did not, in theory, extend to Native Affairs, in practice this limitation was by no means absolute. Gore Browne�s power of ultimate decision was considerably modified by his avowed ignorance of Maori language, character, and customs; and by his dependence on the representative Assembly for funds to execute a positive native policy. He thus relied heavily on the Staff of the Native Department to supply his former deficiency; and agreed to allow a responsible minister to advise him on Native Affairs. This system in practice prevented the formulation and execution of a positive native policy, and involved a dangerous opportunity for irresponsible action. The equivocal nature of responsibility for native affairs was also a handicap to the development of public opinion, which was unable to concentrate on a supreme source of effective authority. For these reasons, the essay will contain particular reference to the question of divided responsibility.

Summary: An Elders View Ka hoki ano waku korero nei na i runga i nga raputanga i haramai tatou ko te iwi whenua e korerotia ai tona korero i haramai i Hawaikiroa i Hawaikinui i Hawaiki pamamao. Kei hea tenei wahi? Ka rapu te matauranga. I haramai tatou no tehea wahi? Kare kau i kitea e ratou. E kore e kitea. E kore e kitea e ratau na te mea ko taua i haere wairua mai ka hoki wairua taua. I now return to what has been said that we the original people came to this land from Long Hawaiki, from the Great Hawaiki, and from Distant Hawaiki. Where are these places? The learned have searched. From which place did we come from? They will never find it because we came in spirit and we return in spirit. (Chapter 2). A Pakeha View I tell the story as I see it and people can read my material if they wish to but if they don�t then that is their problem. The trouble with New Zealanders is that they do not care about archaeology. The Maoris are the worst offenders. Their attitude is one of indifference, they couldn�t care less. When I have excavated on Maori land I have contacted the Maori organisations concerned and I have invited them to come along and observe what is being done because after all it is their history that I am digging up. However the decision is not really for the Maori to decide when I am working on Pakeha land, and anyway the land does not belong to the Maori, it belongs to all. I admit that I am sorry that archaeologists destroy sites but they do record them in their books. (Chapter 6)--Preface.

Drawing upon critical whiteness theory I examine whiteness and privilege within a New Zealand context, specifically with 15 men and women who self identify as Pakeha. Through in-depth interviews I explore the proposition that the adoption of this identity may preclude an understanding of the ways that whiteness and privilege operate. Employing thematic and discourse analysis, four major themes were identified within the data. The functionality and organisation of language is considered in order to examine participants’ detachment from dominant white culture. The thesis illustrates that the assumption of a Pakeha self identity may allow the bearer to discursively obscure both the cultural capital that whiteness provides and the privileges afforded by this capital. Ultimately, this research draws attention to the intersection of privilege and whiteness within New Zealand, in order to offer one explanation for the persistence of white hegemony.

Summary: It is the object of this essay to present a survey of public opinion respecting native policy in the year prior to the outbreak of the first Taranaki war. As European New Zealanders were in 1859 experiencing their third year of Responsible Government, the tone of public opinion is of particular interest, for theoretically the widely enfranchised public had it in their power to influence official policy by their votes. Although the field of Responsible Government did not, in theory, extend to Native Affairs, in practice this limitation was by no means absolute. Gore Browne�s power of ultimate decision was considerably modified by his avowed ignorance of Maori language, character, and customs; and by his dependence on the representative Assembly for funds to execute a positive native policy. He thus relied heavily on the Staff of the Native Department to supply his former deficiency; and agreed to allow a responsible minister to advise him on Native Affairs. This system in practice prevented the formulation and execution of a positive native policy, and involved a dangerous opportunity for irresponsible action. The equivocal nature of responsibility for native affairs was also a handicap to the development of public opinion, which was unable to concentrate on a supreme source of effective authority. For these reasons, the essay will contain particular reference to the question of divided responsibility.

Summary: An Elders View Ka hoki ano waku korero nei na i runga i nga raputanga i haramai tatou ko te iwi whenua e korerotia ai tona korero i haramai i Hawaikiroa i Hawaikinui i Hawaiki pamamao. Kei hea tenei wahi? Ka rapu te matauranga. I haramai tatou no tehea wahi? Kare kau i kitea e ratou. E kore e kitea. E kore e kitea e ratau na te mea ko taua i haere wairua mai ka hoki wairua taua. I now return to what has been said that we the original people came to this land from Long Hawaiki, from the Great Hawaiki, and from Distant Hawaiki. Where are these places? The learned have searched. From which place did we come from? They will never find it because we came in spirit and we return in spirit. (Chapter 2). A Pakeha View I tell the story as I see it and people can read my material if they wish to but if they don�t then that is their problem. The trouble with New Zealanders is that they do not care about archaeology. The Maoris are the worst offenders. Their attitude is one of indifference, they couldn�t care less. When I have excavated on Maori land I have contacted the Maori organisations concerned and I have invited them to come along and observe what is being done because after all it is their history that I am digging up. However the decision is not really for the Maori to decide when I am working on Pakeha land, and anyway the land does not belong to the Maori, it belongs to all. I admit that I am sorry that archaeologists destroy sites but they do record them in their books. (Chapter 6)--Preface.

This project investigates the experiences of a small group of social service practitioners as they consider the question of what it means to be Pakeha in Aotearoa New Zealand in 2004. Specifically this study considers the contribution of Māori cultural knowledges to Pakeha identity. It also explores whether therapeutic practices that participants have available, are relevant to their current claims of Pakeha identity. This study highlights the complexity of experience and multiple stories that inform constructions of identity. In approaching the topic I was aware that many important stories of people's lived experience are not often told. People are often silenced due to the difficulty of 'telling'. In this exploration, space was created for the telling of stories, which are often not easily told: stories of struggle and pain; stories of compassionate witnessing; stories of rule-breaking; stories of stepping into territory beyond binaries and stories of richness and delight. Knowledges have been produced that indicate the need for carefully crafted space for often very difficult identity conversations to occur and for voices to be heard. Further, the study has produced knowledges for scaffolding for respectful and honouring conversations . The stories of this project indicate that the conversations required, have their foundation through engagement with the value of fairness. Findings also indicate that forums, where mutual contribution to identity for both Māori and Pakeha can be acknowledged, are a critical to establishing ongoing honourable relationships between Pakeha and Māori New Zealanders. Throughout this project participants acknowledge and honour the rich contribution of Māori knowledges and language to their Pakeha identity.

Research has consistently shown that there are anumber of negative stereotypes held by Pakeha towards Maori. However, some of these studies have been flawed by low participant identification rates of Maori. Furthermore, none of these studies have examined the role of accent and appearance on evaluations when both pieces of information are presented together. The present study sought to address these limitations and to verify the current stereotypes associated with Maori. A videotape of eight speakers reading an identical short story was shown to one hundred and sixty-four high school students. Participants were assigned to one of two conditions. In the auditory presentation participants heard but did not see the speakers. In the visual presentation participants heard and saw the speakers. Of the eight speakers, half looked Pakeha and half looked Maori. Furthermore half spoke with a Maori English accent and half spoke with a Pakeha English accent. Results showed that use of Maori English speakers led to higher Maori identification rates by participants in the auditory presentation. Furthermore, for status variables and Maori in particular, accent appeared to amplify the evaluative effects of appearance. It was also found that the longstanding negative stereotypes of Maori still exist. Finally, though not the focus of the present study, it was found that overall younger and older high school students had similar evaluations of Maori and Pakeha. The implications of these results, particularly to the educational, employment and law enforcement sectors of society are discussed.

Many Pakeha beliefs are embodied in the value and meanings they have ascribed to the New Zealand landscape. These mythologies of physical space have functioned to help Pakeha construct a collective identity and to make sense of their place in the world. Painting the landscape in the cultural imagination in a number of diverse ways, from Arcadia to harsh wasteland, has functioned to help justify and explain the place of Pakeha in Maori homeland: imagining New Zealand as home meant that these myths fostered a feeling of belonging. Consequently, cultural criticism has revealed the hypocritical, sentimental and destructive nature of such myths, particularly with regards to the ongoing legacy of colonialism. However, the deconstruction of myth cannot provide a foundation for future cultural criticism to engage with. The cynicism fostered by demolishing collective mythologies requires a new form of critique. This means that a return to sincere belief is called for in the post-secular moment: a form of atheistic belief in the most radically creative aspects of Pakeha landscape mythology is thus crucial to the critique of its most totalitarian and destructive ones.

Research has shown that body image plays a principle role in predicting the occurrence and extent of eating disordered symptomatology. The term 'body image' has multiple definitions but is most commonly used to refer to self-perceptions of body weight and shape. Evidence shows that Western socio-cultural beliefs encourage females to strive for an extremely thin, unrealistically small figure. The difficulties obtaining this thin-ideal have lead to the development of body image dissatisfaction (BID). Because the thin-ideal is a Western construct, BID was thought to effect only Western, White women, however, research shows that body image concerns and consequently eating pathology are appearing in non-Western, ethnic minority groups where they were once unknown. This has been attributed to increasing contact between ethnic minority groups and Western cultural mores. This would suggest that the degree of attachment a minority individual feels towards their ethnic identity is likely to moderate the development of BID and thus eating concerns. This thesis compared levels of body image dissatisfaction amongst ethnic groups in New Zealand, focussing particularly on Māori and Pakeha. No differences were found to exist amongst these groups with regards to body image dissatisfaction and eating pathology regardless of ethnic attachment. The information found has consequences for clinicians working with clients of Māori extraction and those researching body image dissatisfaction in New Zealand.