Dispersion of mass is a measure of the deviation of transportation of fluid in a reactor from ideal reactor behavior (perfect mixing or plug flow) caused by the combined effects of diffusion, convection and migration. Axial dispersion is always undesirable because it reduces the driving force of the reaction and therefore causes a lower level of conversion. On the other hand, transverse dispersion is often a desirable feature since good transverse mixing will reduce the transverse concentration and temperature gradients and hence improve the selectivity of a thermochemical reactor. Transverse dispersion of mass is of more importance in a three-dimensional flow-by electrochemical reactor than that in a thermochemical reactor because the potential drop is in the transverse direction and the reaction rate and selectivity are determined by the potential as well as concentration and temperature distributions. The transverse dispersion of mass is expected to have a more profound effect on the performance of a 3D electrochemical reactor due to the strong interaction among the concentration, temperature and potential distributions in the transverse direction. In the present work, the axial and transverse dispersion of mass were studied with a twodimensional dispersion model in two types of rectangular packed bed: i) randomly packed glass beads with the average bead diameter of 2 mm and a macroscopic bed porosity of 0.41; ii) a representation of a 3D flow-by electrode - consisting of a bed of carbon felt with the carbon fibre diameter of 20 urn and a macroscopic bed porosity of 0.95. A tracer stimulation-response system was set up and axial and transverse dispersion of In Blackfoot, DPs appear to take obligatory wide scope with respect to the universal quantifier while bare nouns take obligatory narrow scope with respect to the universal quantifier. I propose that the difference in scope-taking properties of Blackfoot nominals is a consequence of their syntactic position. I propose that over argument DPs are adjoined to the clause whereas bare nouns are base generated in an argument position. I suggest that the scope properties fall out from this distinction in the syntax. The Blackfoot universal quantifier, ohkan-, is a preverb. That is, ohkan- occurs as a part of the verb stem preceding the verb root itself. I propose that ohkan- is head of its own QP which takes the VP as its complement. I follow Sportiche (1998) in categorizing ohkan- as a stranded quantifier since it is base generated external to VP. Bare nouns, since they are generated within VP, are structurally inferior to ohkan-, since they are within its c-command domain. The adjoined DPs, however, are structurally superior to ohkan-, since they are adjoined to the clause. I propose that the structural superiority of DPs translates to their obligatory wide scope. Conversely, the structural inferiority of bare nouns translates to their obligatory narrow scope. Blackfoot is a relatively understudied Algonquian language spoken in Southern Alberta and Northern Montana. The Blackfoot data presented in this work come primarily from my own work with two Blackfoot speakers. Both of my language consultants hail from Southern Alberta speak and the Blood dialect of Blackfoot.

Note: / This dissertation investigates the second language (L2) acquisition of Japanese wh-constructions by Chinese- and English-speaking learners. The focus of this study is twofold; first, it examines whether parameter resetting is possible in L2 acquisition, as both Chinese and English wh-constructions are parametrically different from Japanese wh-constructions. Second, it examines whether parameter resetting is affected by the learners' first language (Ll). Not only do Chinese and English wh-constructions differ from Japanese wh-constructions, but they also differ from each other. Chinese is, like Japanese, a wh-in-situ language, while English is a wh-movement language. Chinese wh-constructions, therefore, can be said to be more similar to Japanese wh-constructions than English wh-constructions. It is investigated whether the similarity between Chinese and Japanese and dissimilarity between English and Japanese affect the course and/or the ultimate attainment in the acquisition ofwh-constructions in Japanese.[...] / Cette dissertation enquete sur l’acquisition des constructions wh du japonais appris comme langue seconde (L2) par les anglophones et les sinophones. Le point de mire de cette etude est double. Dans un premier temps, elle cherche a savoir si le changement parametrique est possible en acquisition L2, puisque les constructions wh de l’anglais et du chinois sont parametriquement opposees a celles du japonais. Deuxiemement, elle cherche a savoir si le changement parametrique est affecte par 1a langue matemelle de l’apprenant. Non seulement les constructions wh de l’anglais et du chinois sont differentes de celles du japonais, elles different egalement l’une de l’autre. Le chinois, comme le japonais, est une langue wh-in-situ, alors que l’anglais est une langue a movement wh. Les constructions wh du chinois peuvent done etre decrites comme etant plus semblables a celles du japonais qu’a celles de l’anglais. Ce travail cherche a sa voir si la similarite entre le chino is et le japonais et la dissimilarite entre l’anglais et le japonais ont un effet sur le processus et/ou le resultat final de 1’acquisition de ces constructions en japonais.[...]

There is no abstract available for this dissertation. / Department of English

This study presents a pragmatic approach to the analysis of definiteness. The expression of definiteness in Korean is analyzed as controlled by the pragmatic motivation to differentiate nouns with respect to their topical relevance and importance.The primary claim of this study is that grammar utilizes formal marking systems not only for making semantic contrasts but also for producing pragmatic distinctions. As an illustration of this claim, the marking vs. lack of marking that determine pragmatic status in Korean is examined, and it is argued that the lack of marking indicates the relative lack of special significance of a given referent as a specific individual, while overt marking indicates the relatively higher significance of an intended referent as a specific individual.Definiteness is shown to be non-distinctive and non-categorical in nature, with five expressions of definiteness coding six degrees of definiteness in a definiteness continuum. This is illustrated in the following diagram:Definiteness ContinuumBare NP ---- com ---- etten ---- han ---- ku ---- Bare NPleastmostThe bare NP to the left comprises nonunique common nouns and the one to the right unique common nouns and proper nouns. In each case, the bare form is viewed as representing the referent in its most general use.It is also shown that definiteness and indefiniteness can coincide in the sense that semantically indefinite NPs can be marked formally as definite in certain contexts. This is explained motivated by the pragmatic need for upgrading the degree of definiteness in order to present it as a more prominent or salient entity. With cases in which both semantically definite referents and semantically indefinite referents are formally presented in the same bare NP form as crucial evidence, it is suggested that the realization and expression of definiteness is motivated only when pragmatic significance requires such a distinction. The study concludes that marking and lack of marking of definiteness in Korean does in fact signal the relative pragmatic importance of the referent in the development of the discourse. / Department of English

In this work, I will be looking at the cross-linguistic restrictions on coda position, especially with regard to sonority and place. I propose that these restrictions can be best captured if we acknowledge two types of constraints; those which restrict the licensing ability of codas, as well as those which set out a relationship between a coda and a following onset. I show that in allowing for this distinction, the contrast between the restrictions on word-internal codas and word-final ones falls out straightforwardly. This study is carried out in the framework of Optimality Theory, but the basic claims are expected to hold in other frameworks, whether rule-based or constraint-based.

Languages differ in their sound patterns, but these differences are, to a large extent, systematic. One goal of Universal Grammar (Chomsky 1957, 1965) is to account for the systematic patterns which are attested across languages. Toward this end, Universal Grammar is considered to contain a set of phonological primitives such as features, and some restrictions on their combination. However, in rule-based phonology, it is assumed that rules are part of the grammar of an individual language. By their very nature, rules describe operations. As such, they are not well-suited to express restrictions on the ways in which segments may combine when no overt operation is involved. To account for such restrictions, Chomsky & Halle (Sound Pattern of English (SPE): 1968) supplemented rules with Morpheme Structure Constraints (MSCs) which define the possible morpheme shapes that a particular language allows (see also Halle 1959). Thus, in SPE, both MSCs and rules played a role in accounting for the phonological patterns observed in languages.

This dissertation investigates the structure of Internally Headed Relative Clauses (henceforth, IHRCs) within the framework of Government and Binding Theory. I propose that the structure of IHRCs involves a modifying clause predicted of a head. We provide empirical as well as conceptual arguments showing that the head of an IHRC is a pro licensed by coindexation with the internal head. Following Safir's (1986) LCR, this licensing must be mediated by A$ sp prime$-Binding, which is effected by operator-movement to COMP within the modifying clause. Island Constraints provide evidence for operator-movement in IHRCs. IHRCs pattern with other Wh-constructions in this way. Correlatively, if there are no Island effects in IHRCs, there are no Island effects with other Wh-constructions (cf. Lakhota, Mojave). In this case an Unselective Binding relation is established in the language. Other properties such as the Definiteness Effect and the occurence of Switch-reference markers in IHRCs in Choctaw are also shown to follow from independent parameters. / The consequences of our analysis for Baker's (to appear) theory of Configurationality are explored. We propose to expand Baker's theory to allow "discontinuous" constituents of the type (Wh$ sb1$ ... OP$ sb1$) to account for Island effects in IHRCs of pronominal languages like Mohawk and Navajo. / No special rules for the interpretation of IHRCs are required. The LF-Raising rule proposed in Williamson (1987), which raises the internal head at LF to the COMP of the IHRC is shown to derive from the LCR as it is required to create an operator-variable (A$ sp prime$-Binding) relation. We provide further independent evidence for this rule in Chapter 2.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 251-256). / Microfiche. / xvii, 256 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 235-247).

Thesis (doctoral)--Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics LOT, 1998. / Abstracts in Dutch and Catalan. Includes bibliographical references (p. [265]-280) and index.