This thesis is a study of Gujarati women and children living in the North London Borough of Harrow. It addresses the issues concerning women in the household, that include their relations with other kin and wider networks, caring for children, feeding, and protecting them from evil influences, and their key involvement in ritual practice. Men as husbands, fathers, uncles and grandfathers are also discussed. Children's involvement in ritual from birth, or even before, is addressed and the way they make sense of the world through multiple carers. Households were studied using the methods of participant observation and in-depth, taped, unstructured interviews. Different caste groups, religions and social classes were included in the study group, but the majority were Hindu, and a few Jain. Muslim households were excluded because they represented less than 10% of the Harrow population and would have made the study too broad. Data obtained from a three-month period of research in Ahmedabad, informed the Harrow data, but a direct comparison was not made. The theme of moral continuity emerged from the data as a central concern for Hindu and Jain households. This was linked to kinship ties, respect for elders, obligations, religious festivals and rituals. The joint household remains popular and many younger people are learning Gujarati, practising rituals and asking for arranged `introduction' marriages. Family `rules' which have been followed through many generations are followed in respect to festivals, life-cycle rituals of childhood, warding off the evil eye and what foods to eat. Childhood is a time of purity when children are thought to be close to the gods, requires special consideration, especially when it comes to food, and milk may be thought to be the safest option. Children live in a network of interdependency with other kin and through rituals participate in a world that respects the hierarchy of the household and wider Gujarati `community'. Western influences of toys, peers and the educational system are acknowledged at various points. In conclusion, a sense of being Gujarati is still held by individuals today in Britain. Continuity of moral codes is achieved through ritual practice, which is transformed over time, links with the ancestors and gives a sense of belonging to 'one of us'.

This study concerns the Gujaratis of Fiji who comprise an important trading community within the large Indian population but who have not received extensive attention from scholars. It covers a time-span of forty-five years, from the beginning of this century to the end of World War II. During this period, which characterizes the crucial formative phase of their settlement in Fiji, Gujaratis belonging to various castes and from diverse backgrounds came to Fiji where they gradually became a noticeable and important trader element within the predominantly agricultural Indian population. In the process, they also acquired a negative image which is comparable to that of the dukawalla (shopkeeper) in Africa. Although other Indians were already residing in Fiji since 1879, as indentured laborers or as descendants of these laborers, Gujarat! contacts with Fiji began after 1900. Lack of sea routes between Western India and Fiji, and the prohibition of recruitment of laborers for Fiji in Bombay Presidency, provided little incentive for travel between the two areas. Moreover, Gujaratis who wished to travel to Fiji could only do so through the two sanctioned emigration ports, Calcutta and Madras. Rather than venture into an unknown area, most Gujarati immigrants went to East Africa where mercantile communities originating from Western India were long established. Fiji simply did not offer lucrative prospects until isolated groups from Gujarat proved the contrary. What caused Gujarati migration to Fiji? First of all, groups which found little fame and fortune in Africa began to turn to opportunities in other countries. Secondly, deteriorating conditions in Gujarat in the early twentieth century caused population movements to other parts of India and abroad. Failure of the monsoons, famines, reduction of landholdings among families, and the subsequent drop in agricultural productivity merely hastened the process. Thirdly, as opportunities in urban centers, especially Bombay, became limited, more and more Gujaratis left India in search of opportunity to supplement meager resources at home. Fourthly, British colonial territories which contained powerful white communities soon began to restrict the entry of Indians which initiated the push toward new frontiers such as Fiji. By contrast, Fiji welcomed 'free' immigrants because of the skills which they introduced; it maintained an open door policy toward this category of migrants until 1930. Gujarati penetration into Fiji was part of the movement of 'free' immigrants into the colony. The other two types of 'free' immigrants were Punjabis and 'returnees' (ex-indentured Indians who returned to Fiji after having been repatriated to India). Gujaratis came mainly to ply skills which they acquired in their homeland. Until 1920 isolated caste groupings carved out a particular area of operations in which they effectively utilized traditional caste skills. Most immigrants came for a stay of two years after which they had hoped to return to their homeland. However, this period was too short for the accumulation of large savings. The more important phase of Gujarati migration to Fiji took place after 1920. The breakdown of Fiji's isolation from the rest of the world in the 1920s and the extension of sea routes between Fiji and India facilitated movement between Gujarat and Fiji. The survival of the sugar industry and developing needs in the agricultural sugar belt of Fiji where the majority of Indians were residing opened new avenues for Gujaratis who had the aptitude to move with ease into entrepreneurial roles. Their tenacity in trade and commerce became more noticeable during the depression years when the arrival of more Gujarati immigrants made it difficult for local Indians to enter that sphere of activity. Consequently, in the 1930s, attitudes toward the unrestricted entry of Gujaratis changed in favor of stringent immigration controls. In the final analysis, the Gujarati immigrants introduced a different lifestyle and successfully maintained it. They also had the necessary expertise, the organizational know-how, and a considerable degree of group solidarity to assume roles which other Indians were incapable of doing. Though they did not adhere rigidly to the hierarchical social structure of their homeland, these immigrants were still linked to their respective jati nuclei in Gujarat through caste ideology and caste behavior. However, occupational specialization, based on the notion of pollution and purity, had little relevance in Fiji. A wide range of opportunities was available to all immigrants. Gujaratis settled mainly in urban areas because of their commercial orientation, and where their activities had the maximum potential for success. Their social life was built around the shop rather than around caste and religion, but the introduction of families in the 1930s obliged them to pay closer attention to the needs of the household, especially in the matter of religion. In effect, Gujaratis continued to exist as a marginal group within the Indian community; until 1945 they remained beyond the mainstream of Indian cultural, social, and political life in Fiji. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

A Dissertation submitted to the School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in the fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in Political Science by research. Johannesburg, January 2016 / A Tale of Two Temples: An Exploration of Caste addresses the notion of caste in South Africa, specifically among the Gujarati community in Cape Town. Caste within this community has been discussed with regard to the Indian diaspora in general and Natal in South Africa, but there is not a vast amount of literature regarding this phenomenon among Indians in Cape Town. Through the description of a dispute between a caste-based organisation of mochis –those of a leatherworking and cobbler caste- and a non-caste-based organisation predominantly of agricultural patidars over control of the space of worship, the recreation, dynamics and interplay of the caste system are discussed. Louis Dumont’s influential synoptic theory of caste serves as the frame of reference when addressing the system. Dumont focuses on the idea of purity and hierarchy. The system includes four varnas or classes, which are positioned along a pure-to-impure hierarchy. In Cape Town, this hierarchy is not entirely recreated; all four varnas are not represented. Instead patidars or agriculturalists have claimed to be of high status, which is normally attributed to a Brahmin or clerical caste, and have asserted themselves as the reference group for other castes. They perceive the mochis to be of low caste. The mochis have not accepted this and through the influence of the Arya Samaj, they have recreated a new historical narrative classifying themselves as high caste. This new narrative and the empowerment of the mochis created a conflict that escalated as a result of apartheid’s Group Areas Act, which legally enforced racially segregated residential areas. This conflict provides insight into the recreation of caste in Cape Town. Keywords and Terms Cape Town, Caste, Diaspora, Dumont, Durban, Fiji, Gujarati, Indenture, Indian Diaspora, Johannesburg, Migration, South Africa, Trinidad / MT2016