The extraordinary political success achieved by the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) under the leadership of Jörg Haider during the 1990s is widely known as the ¿Haider Phenomenon¿ in academic literature. This thesis is a cultural-historical investigation into the roots of Haider¿s political breakthrough in Austrian politics during the 1990s. My aim has been to try to understand this political phenomenon in the context of Austrian cultural and historical forces and set out the political developments that enabled Haider (almost) to achieve the Austrian Chancellorship in 2000. There is already a considerable amount of scholarship available on this subject ¿ particularly in German. This thesis aims to enrich this scholarship by uncovering some previously neglected cultural-historical aspects relating to the rise of Haider. During my research, I found a rich vein of sources pointing to the centrality of Kultur in any understanding of political-historical developments in 20th century Austria. This is certainly the case in regards to Haider¿s FPÖ, which actually initiated a Kulturkampf as part of their populist political strategy in the 1990s. This study will also add to the body of work about the growth of right wing populism throughout Europe in the last twenty years. More importantly however, my thesis highlights the importance of focusing on local and country-specific aspects of such a political phenomenon in order to explain the causes of its success. Otherwise, there is a danger of superficial or generalized conclusions being made that distract from a deeper comprehension of events.

While much attention has been given to the abolition of interest in Islamic economics, there has been little attention given to the ethical framework on which it is based. Syed Nawab Haider Naqvi in Islam, Economics and Society (1994), presents an axiomatic approach to generating an Islamic economic theory from the ground up. Chapter one considers Naqvi's argument for a distinct Islamic economic system. Chapter two examines Naqvi's theoretical framework and the Islamic economic system which he derives from it. The chapter compares Naqvi's approach with that of M. Umer Chapra, who also adopts an ethical framework for the foundation of an Islamic economic theory. Chapter three examines the debate surrounding the definition of riba and the importance of riba in Islamic economics. This study concludes with a recommendation for a more systematic approach in interpreting the Qur'an, which is the source of Naqvi's economic axioms.

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No / Der Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über unterschiedliche wissenschaftliche Erklärungsansätze zum bemerkenswerten Aufstieg der FPÖ Jörg Haiders in den 1990er Jahren. Daran anschließend werden einige kulturelle und historische Aspekte, die von anderen Ansätzen nicht beachtet wurden, welche aber einen wesentlichen politischen Hintergrund für Haiders Erfolg bildeten, beleuchtet. Es wird argumentiert, dass die FPÖ eine ausgesprochen erfolgreiche Strategie verfolgte, indem sie ein auf traditionellen und antimodernen Werten basierendes österreichisches Identitätskonzept (re-)konstruierte. Besonders deutlich wurde dies im aggressiven ¿Kulturkampf¿, den die FPÖ gegen KünstlerInnen und Personen des kulturellen Lebens Mitte der neunziger Jahre führte. Haiders Version des rechten Populismus erwies sich deswegen als besonders erfolgreich, weil sie einen in der österreichischen Gesellschaft nach 1945 stark verankerten Parochialismus politisch zu instrumentalisieren vermochte.

The aim of this thesis is to find an explanation of the obstacles to deploying Article 7 TEU measures as we see it today. This explanation will be sought in the events in this field starting from the formation of the provision, all the way up to this writing moment. The explanation will be searched for by using the research question: What in the process offorming and amending Article 7 TEU can explain the hesitancy and hardship to deploy the article today? Four hypotheses for explanations are identified; 1) Article 7 TEU is a political rather than legal provision, and is thus infiltrated with political subjectiveness rather than legal objective- ness, 2) lessons from the Haider affair have caused hesitancy, 3) adding intermediate steps and alternative procedures have weakened the nature of the provision, and 4) the nuclear notion has falsely created hesitancy to take action and oblivion of the softer mechanisms of the provision. This study concludes, that to fully understand the Article 7 TEU struggles as of today, both political implications, intermediate steps, alternative mechanisms and lessons from the Haider affair has to be taken into account. This com- plexity does then confirm the sufficiency of the explanation: Many factors has played a role in forming the hesitancy and hardship to deploy Article 7 TEU, but the intergovernmental and political nature of the provision explains why it still have not been fully implemented. This is although the scope and appli- cation of the provision fully fits the problems of democratic backsliding, that permeates some of the member states of the EU.

This master thesis is dealing with the German-Austrian relations between 1998 and 2005 with an emphasis on a period of sanctions against Austria in 2000 in which Germany participated. The analysis was done by using the concept of civilian power to analyze the German foreign policy and by using the theory of asymmetrical dyads to analyze the German-Austrian relations. Outside the above mentioned topic and period of time this thesis concerns itself also briefly with the history of the German-Austrian relations before 1998 and the Austrian political party FPÖ. Due to the thematic limitations this thesis doesn't cover the domestic policy of both countries during that era or the German-Austrian Relations outside the designed period of time.

diplomové práce v anglickém jazyce: EU sanctions against Austria in 2000 in the context of the position of Austria in the European Union. Application of constructivist theory on the case The Master thesis EU sanctions against Austria in 2000 in the context of the position of Austria in the European Union. Application of constructivist theory on the case tried to analyse the Austrian case from the constructivist perspective. The thesis attempted to verify the hypothesis that the Member States of the European Union wrongly assessed the impact of Haider's FPÖ on the Austrian democratic development and the European Union itself, claiming that the participation of the FPÖ in the Austrian federal government was jeopardizing its democratic values. In fact there was no evidence for this allegation despite the nature of the FPÖ which was confirmed as being far-right in some aspects (for instance its xenophobia). It has been shown that the participation of the FPÖ in the Austrian government (rather than its isolation, which might have led to even bigger support) was in a certain way a guarantee that democracy and the common values of the European Union would be upheld. Furthermore the thesis tried to answer the question whether the inclusion of the FPÖ in the governmental coalition had posed a real danger...