This dissertation proposes a model of word stress in a derivational version of Optimality Theory (OT) called Harmonic Serialism (HS; Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004, McCarthy 2000, 2006, 2010a). In this model, the metrical structure of a word is derived through a series of optimizations in which the 'best' metrical foot is chosen according to a ranking of violable constraints. Like OT, HS models cross-linguistic typology under the assumption that every constraint ranking should correspond to an attested language. Chapter 2 provides an argument for modeling stress typology in HS by showing that the serial model correctly rules out stress patterns that display non-local interactions, while a parallel OT model with the same constraints and representations fails to make such a distinction. Chapter 3 discusses two types of primary stress---autonomous and parasitic---and argues that limited parallelism in the assignment of primary stress is warranted by a consideration of attested typology. Stress systems in which the primary stress appears to behave autonomously from secondary stresses require that primary stress assignment be simultaneous with a foot's construction. As a result, a provision to allow primary stress to be reassigned during a derivation is necessary to account for a class of stress systems in which primary stress is parasitic on secondary stresses. Chapter 4 takes up two issues in the definition of constraints on primary stress, including a discussion of how primary stress alignment should be formulated and the identification of vacuous satisfaction as a cause of problematic typological predictions. It is proposed that all primary stress constraints be redefined according to non-vacuous schemata, which eliminate the problematic predictions when implemented within HS. Finally, chapter 5 considers the role of representational assumptions in typological predictions with comparisons between HS and parallel OT. The primary conclusion of this chapter is that constituent representations (i.e., feet) are necessary in HS to account for rhythmic stress patterns in a typologically restrictive way.

Ce mémoire analyse, à l’aide du Sérialisme Harmonique, un processus de gémination consonantique s’opérant à travers des frontières de morphème en groenlandais de l’ouest. Une partie intégrante de cette analyse se base sur les restrictions sur les formes de surface des consonnes géminées et le comportement général des consonnes chez les frontières de morphème. Le processus de gémination discuté implique l’assimilation consonantique régressive quand un affixe qui commence par une consonne se rattache à un stem qui se termine par une consonne. Un processus d’effacement consonantique en fin de stem s’opère dans le même contexte. Ces deux processus empêchent des groupes consonantiques d’apparaître dans des représentations de surface. Bien que la distribution de ces processus ne soit pas évidente, cette analyse propose une explication basée sur des mores flottantes qui déclenchent l’assimilation. En outre, l’analyse implémente une série d’opérations qui imposent des restrictions sur les représentations de surface des consonne géminées et établit une relation formelle entre ces représentations et leur position dans un morphème. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de proposer un exemple de comment une analyse plus moderne et unifiée de la grammaire du groenlandais pourrait être accomplie par le Sérialisme Harmonique. Alors que la majorité des travaux antérieurs sur la phonologie groenlandaise sont entièrement descriptifs ou impliquent des règles de réécriture ne pouvant pas être formellement reliées, ce mémoire suggère une approche à l’aide d’un cadre théorique sérial et basé sur des contraintes comme une option viable. / This thesis proposes an analysis in Harmonic Serialism of a cross-morpheme consonant gemination process in West Greenlandic. Central considerations to the analysis are surface restrictions on geminate consonants as well as general consonant behavior at morpheme boundaries. The gemination process at hand involves regressive consonant assimilation when a consonant-initial affix is introduced to consonant-final stem. This operates alongside a process of stem-final consonant deletion, with both processes serving as mutually exclusive strategies to prevent heterorganic consonant clusters from surfacing in West Greenlandic. While the distribution of these processes is not surface-apparent, it is explained through the proposal of unattached moras that function as triggers for assimilation. Additionally, the analysis implements a set of operations that impose restrictions on the output forms of geminate consonants and establishes a formal relationship between these output forms and their position within a morpheme. The objective of this thesis is to propose an example of how a more modern, unified analysis of West Greenlandic grammar could be modeled in Harmonic Serialism. While the majority of earlier works on West Greenlandic phonology are either purely descriptive in nature or involve rewrite rules that cannot share a formal relation or output goal, this thesis proposes an approach within a serial, constraint-based framework as a viable alternative.