Thesis (M.A.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of Humanities, Classics, and Comparative Literature, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-83).

Cette thèse de doctorat a pour objectif de préciser les espèces qui appartiennent au bestiaire domestique de la région ensevelie par l’éruption du Vésuve en l’an 79 de notre ère et d’analyser les relations qui se nouent entre ces animaux et leshommes aux époques hellénistique et romaine. Cette étude se place au croisement de plusieurs disciplines, telles l’histoire, l’archéologie, l’ethnologie et l’anthropologie et une pluralité de sources est envisagée (archéozoologie, épigraphie, iconographie, littérature) afin de cerner la place de l’animal domestique dans la société. Ce travail s’intéresse à la manière dont l’homme établit la cohabitation avec la faune (qui n’est pas sans occasionner de contraintes) et aux stratégies mises en place pour assurer la domestication des animaux, notamment à travers l’examen des structures d’élevage et la répartition des animaux dans les espaces anthropisés (la domus ou la ville par exemple). Les comportements adoptés face à l’animal varient en fonction des publics concernés et des espaces dans lesquels ils s’inscrivent. L’animal est un acteur de la vie économique en tant que fournisseur de matières premières et auxiliairedans les activités artisanales mais il est aussi un compagnon et un facteur de distinction sociale pour certains publics. Les modalités selon lesquelles les animaux sont représentés, perçus et intégrés dans les sphères privées et publiques sont envisagées. Les animaux domestiques et leurs relations avec les hommes sont une clé de lecture pour appréhenderles mentalités et les valeurs des Romains et contribuer à écrire une page de l’histoire culturelle de la région de Pompéi / This thesis identifies the species belonging to the family of domestic animals in the area buried by the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A. D. and investigates their relationships with humans in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. It lies at the crossroads of several disciplines, including history, archaeology, ethnology and anthropology, and draws on varied sources (archeozoology, epigraphy, iconography, literature) so as to assess the roles of domestic animals in society.This work explores the ways in which humans handle cohabitation with animals (which may be sources of nuisance) and the strategies they use to ensure their domestication, by examining breeding structures and considering the distribution ofanimals in anthropized areas (in the domus or in cities, for example). The approaches to animals vary according to the areas and the subjects involved. Besides playing a major role in the economy thanks to the raw materials they supplyand acting as auxiliaries in artisanal activities, animals may serve as companions, or as symbols of social prestige. The ways in which animals are represented, perceived and integrated into both public and private spheres are put under scrutiny.Domestic animals and their relationships with the population are a key to understanding Roman attitudes and values and to documenting a part of the cultural history of the Pompeii area

P. Herc. 1570 is an unedited papyrus extant in seven pieces that together measure ca. 1.6 m. long; these are contained in five frames in the Officina dei Papiri Ercolanesi “Marcello Gigante” at the Biblioteca Nazionale “Vittorio Emanuele III&rduo; in Naples, Italy. Like many of the Herculaneum papyri, P. Herc. 1570 has remained unedited largely because of the great difficulty with which traces of letters can be discerned on its surface. It was unrolled more than fifty years after its discovery, as one of ca. 1,100 papyri that were unearthed during the excavation of first-century Herculaneum (1752-1754); but it was a mere artifact, at best, for 110 years, before it was first investigated for its literary content; and since that time 90 more years have passed, with little progress in reading its text, until the recent multispectral images of the papyrus-fragments opened a door to substantial new readings. Via these images, the dark letter-strokes can now be seen in dramatic contrast to the dark papyrus-surface, and this formerly ‘illegible’ papyrus can now be edited much more fully. Pcc. 4-6b comprise the most central part of the roll, and thus reveal the concluding columns of writing for the treatise contained on its surface. On these pieces, ten columns can be seen in breadth and height, and five other columns can be either seen in part or inferred entirely. The parts of these columns that give sense reveal an ethical (economic) treatise that seems to discuss poverty and wealth in light of death, physiologia, friendship, oeconomia, frank speech, respect and contempt, and the necessary vs. the frivolous. Reference is made a few times to Epicurus, and mention is also made of a Phaedrus. Based on vocabulary and thematic content, and by ‘time-honoured convention,’ this work may be ascribed to Philodemus as one book from his multi-volume work De divitiis, sometimes called De divitiis et povertate, of which P. Herc. 163 contains Book 1 and P. Herc. 209 may contain another. And if the text truly refers to Phaedrus, head of the Garden from 75 BC until 70 BC, then Philodemus is the most likely author; for he lived thirty years after Phaedrus' death and also wrote a vast majority of the works among the Herculaneum papyri.

No description available.

The Roman town of Herculaneum, due to its burial by the eruption of Vesuvius in AD79, provides the rare opportunity to study the diet of middle and lower class Romans living in an urban context in mid-1^st century AD Italy. Knowledge concerning Roman diet, prior to the growth of bioarchaeology in the 1960s and 1970s, was derived from the ancient texts and focused primarily on the elite diet. The diets of the poorer classes have often been considered monotonous and unhealthy and consequently, malnutrition is believed to have been widespread in urban centres. Collaboration between the numerous sub-disciplines of bioarchaeology, including archaeobotany and zooarchaeology, has begun to take place amongst scholars working on the Vesuvian sites and diet is currently being studied using a more holistic approach. The ancient sources act as a secondary resource and it is now the physical food remains that play a crucial role in examining Roman diet and associated topics such as trade, health and nutrition. This thesis investigated the bioarchaeological remains from the Cardo V sewer that ran beneath the shop/apartment complex of Insula Orientalis II in Herculaneum. It is the first large scale study to combine both new and existing bioarchaeological material from Herculaneum in an effort to provide the site with its own bioarchaeological data set, particularly with regards to food and diet. In total, 220L of soil was examined for carbonized and mineralized seeds, seashells, eggshells and fish bones. 194 taxa were identified, included including 94 botanical, 45 fish, 53 shellfish and two bird taxa. 114 of the 194 taxa can be considered edible foodstuffs. The statements of the ancient authors concerning dietary diversity have been examined in light of these findings and found to be comparable. The material displayed little taphonomic bias when compared to Pompeian bioarchaeological assemblages. The excellent preservation of the material, combined with data from modern food sciences, has allowed for much needed interpretation to take place in the areas of health and nutrition. The variety of cereals, fruits and seafood indicate close connections with the nearby land and sea and consequently, the economic implications of such extensive resource exploitation have been considered. A nutritional analysis of the finds have shown that diets were nutrient dense and healthy, enabling the people of Herculaneum to achieve modern day stature as well as survive and recover from illness. Thus it can no longer be assumed that those of moderate means ate an unhealthy and monotonous diet, that malnutrition was widespread in urban centres, and finally, that descriptions of foodstuffs in the ancient sources apply only to the wealthy.

Le traité Péri Parrhêsias (PHerc. 1471) de Philodème de Gadara représente une source majeure pour la compréhension de la parrhêsia épicurienne. Malgré l’état fort dégradé du papyrus, cependant contrebalancé par les ébauches d’éditions transmises par Henry, l’éditeur actuel, et par les résultats de la recherche bibliologique effectuée par White, une interprétation thématique du manuel Péri Parrhêsias, Sur la franchise, a été rendue possible, de telle sorte qu’elle peut désormais servir de fondement pour examiner la place de la parrhêsia dans les Actes des apôtres. En comparant la manière dont Luc utilise la parrhêsia avec celle de Philodème, il apparaît que la première s’appuie sur la seconde, tous les thèmes philodémiens étant présents dans quasiment toutes les péricopes lucaniennes. Néanmoins, Luc adapte la parrhêsia à son propre projet narratif, tout en lui donnant un rôle stratégique pour décrire l’expansion de l’évangile jusqu’aux extrémités de la terre. / The Peri Parrhêsias treatise (PHerc. 1471) of Philodemus of Gadara represents a major source for the comprehension of Epicurean parrhêsia. In spite of the extremely deteriorated condition of the papyrus, nevertheless compensated by the draft editions transmitted by the current editor, Henry, and by the results of the bibliological research effectuated by White, a thematic interpretation of the manuel Peri Parrhêsias, On frankness, has been made possible, in such a way as to provide henceforth a basis to examine the role of parrhêsia in the Acts of the Apostles. When comparing the manner in which Luke employs parrhêsia with that of Philodemus, it is apparent that the first relies on the latter, all of the Philodemus themes being present in practically all of the Lucan pericopae. However, Luke adapts the parrhêsia to his own narrative project, all while giving it a strategic role in describing the expansion of the Gospel unto the end.