Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [1], iii, 89 p. : ill. Includes bibliographical references (p. 80-89).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographic references (leaves [275]-289).

In the year 1504 the grand prince Ivan III convened a Council of the Church to try several Muscovites and Novgorodians accused of heresy. The Council found the men guilty and they were burnt at the stake in public executions in Novgorod and Moscow. The 1504 trial and execution was the last of three trials of a group of men accused of a 'judaizing' heresy and known to historians as the Zhidovstvuyushchie, or Judaizers. The first trial of the heretics had taken place in 1486 and the second in 1490. The evidence compiled for these trials by Archb'shop Gennady of Novgorod, who claimed to have discovered the heresy, the chronicle accounts for 1486 and 1490, the documents produced by the Councils of 1488 and 1490, and the Prosvetitel' of Iosif of Volokolamsk, a polemical work against the heresy of the 'Novogorod heretics who philosophize judaistically' provide much material for a study of the first documented heresy in the Russian Church. Many historians have been attracted to such a study for, as a review of the historical background and historiography of the heresy in Chapter I shows, the involvement of many of the alleged Judaizers in the affairs of the Church and State during a period of important changes affecting both the Church and the State and the relationship between them, makes an understanding of the heresy important to our view of Russia in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. But the many studies of the heresy of the Judaizers undertaken by historians from the nineteenth century to the present day have failed to yield agreement on the origin and nature of the heresy. It is seen variously as the result of Jewish propaganda in the Russian Church, of the influence of Western Renaissance and Reformation ideas in Russia or, and this is the view which has dominated recent Soviet historiography, as a symptom of an indigenous Reformation (or proto-Reformation) movement affecting the whole of Russian society in the late fifteenth-early sixteenth centuries. The present work is an attempt to resolve the questions posed by studies of the heresy on the basis of a re-examination of primary published and manuscript sources. These fall into two categories: sources presenting the evidence against the Judaizers (evidence of the accusers), and sources associated with the heretics themselves. Chapter II examines the evidence of the accusers in connection with the trials of 1488 and 1490 (the so-called Novgorod stage of the heresy). Most of this evidence comes from the pen of Archbishop Gennady of Novgorod - consideration of the pre-1490 writings of Iosif of Volokolamsk shows that these do not have a direct bearing upon the subject of this study. Gennady's evidence has not received the attention it deserves, for it provides valuable information not only about the heresy he discovered in Novgorod, but also about the procedures accepted in the Russian Church in this period for discovering and identifying any heresy. His evidence explains his choice of the 'judaizing' label and shows that heretical acts had been committed in Novgorod, though not necessarily by the men condemned in 1488 and 1490. Gennady's letters are complemented by the official documents issued by the Councils of 1488 and 1490, and it is clear that the heretics were tried according to properly accepted procedure and that evidence and condemnation was obtained by Gennady with the full co-operation of the grand prince. Gennady remained Archbishop of Novgorod until 1503, but a study of the works produced at his court after 1490 (in Chapter III) provides little evidence of a continuation of his campaign against the heresy. For evidence against the heretics tried in 1504, historians have had to rely on the writings of losif of Volokolamsk, but an examination of his polemical tracts (later incorporated in the Prosvetitel') and letters written before 1504 yields little reliable information about the beliefs of the Judaizers. Even the Prosvetitel', written probably after, and not before the Council of 1504, as has been generally accepted, does little more than reiterate the accusations raised originally against the Novgorod heretics condemned in 1488 and 1490. The evidence of the accusers between 1490 and 1504 thus provides little information on the case presented against the heretics condemned by the Council of 1504. Such information has also been sought in the so-called 'literature of the Judaizers', works written by, or associated with, the men labelled by the accusers as 'judaizing' heretics. Chapter IV examines such works, most of which are associated with the Moscow Judaizers. Several survive in MSS. of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries and it is clear that most were not considered heretical at the time. On the contrary, they belonged to the category of instructive Orthodox literature. Chapter V draws some conclusions from the evidence of the sources. If it is accepted that a heretic is someone whom the established Church recognises as such, the Novgorodians condemned in 1488 and 1490 by a body representative of the Church and according to accepted Orthodox procedure were heretics. However, the available evidence about the Novgorod heretics and about the methods used in identifying and naming the heresy suggests that they were not guilty of a departure from Orthodox Christian beliefs: only of offences against ritual and of criticism of ecclesiastical and, perhaps, secular authority. There is little evidence that the men accused of heresy in 1504 were condemned in accordance with the precedent established by the-case of the Novgorod heretics of 1488 and 1490, or by a body representative of the established Church. The accepted view that they were heretics is not substantiated by the evidence available and the reasons for their condemnation were probably not religious but political.

This dissertation re-examines trials for heresy in England from 1382, which saw the first major action directed at the Wycliffite heresy in Oxford, and the early Reformation period, with an emphasis on abjurations, the oaths renouncing heretical beliefs that suspects were required to swear after their interrogations were concluded. It draws a direct link between the customs that developed around the ceremony of abjuration and the exceptionally low rate of execution for “relapsed” and “obstinate” heretics in England, compared to other major European anti-heresy campaigns of the period. Several cases are analyzed in which heretics who should have been executed, according to the letter and intention of canon law on the subject, were permitted to abjure, sometimes repeatedly. Cases that ended in execution despite intense efforts by the presiding bishop to obtain a similarly law-bending abjuration are also discussed. These cases are situated within explorations of the constitutions governing heresy trials, contrasting their use of apparently standard legal terminologies with more aggressive continental inquisitors, as well as the theology and cultural standing of oaths within both Wycliffism and the broader Late Medieval and Early Modern world. This dissertation will trace how Lollard heretics gradually accepted the necessity of false abjuration as one of a number of measures to preserve their lives and their movement, and how early adopters using coded writing carefully persuaded their co-religionists of this necessity. Furthermore, it will argue that the bishops who conducted the trial system deliberately constructed it to encourage this type of perjury, even suppressing attempts to alter heretics’ actual convictions, for the sake of social order and stability.

The fight against heresy in medieval Europe has fascinated scholars for centuries. Innumerable books, movies, and even video games have been made about this struggle to combat heresy in the Middle Ages. Despite this apparent fascination with the subject, our understanding of medieval heretics and the inquisitors who prosecuted them remains murky. What we do know is that many medieval people lost their lives, while others were punished with imprisonment or excommunication. We also know that many others dedicated their lives to rooting out what they believed was the evil of heresy among the populace. And we know that fear of the spread of heresy was rampant within the later medieval Church. But what constituted heresy? Who were the people accused as heretics? And why were they accused? These are questions that are still debated and discussed within the scholarly community. As a contribution to the study of heresy, I have chosen to analyze one particular document and its author. This document, the Compilatio de Novu Spiritu, written by Albertus Magnus around 1273, consists of a list of ninety-seven heretical beliefs attributed to heretics in the Swabian Ries. It has been previously studied as marking the beginning of the "Free Spirit" heresy. However, many of the previous assumptions about the heresy of the Free Spirit have been questioned by more recent scholarship, including whether the sect existed at all. Instead, the heresy of the Free Spirit is now generally acknowledged to be closely related to medieval mysticism, and practiced by only a few individuals or possibly small groups. Therefore, the significance of the Compilatio has changed. I will re-examine the document, analyzing it not as a precursor to a later religious movement that preached that souls united with God can act with moral impunity, but as a window into the mind of its inquisitorial author, Albertus Magnus. The intent of this study is to better understand the thinking of the inquisitors who fought against heresy, focusing particularly on the Compilatio and its author, Albertus Magnus (c.1200 - 1280). The methodology of the study of heresy has elicited significant debate among historians, and these issues need to be addressed prior to an analysis of this document. Therefore, I will discuss the historiography of medieval heresy and address the major disagreements within the field in this introduction. In Chapter 1, I set forth as historical background the religious situation in medieval Europe at the time the Compilatio was written. The medieval Church spent considerable time and resources in the struggle against heresy, so I will also examine the Church's response to heresy in this chapter. In the second chapter, I address how Albertus responded to the statements enumerated in the document and in particular, the manner in which he cites early church heresies. Lastly, in the final chapter, I explore how Albertus Magnus used early church writers such as Augustine and Gregory for substantiation throughout the document. Specifically, I analyze how Augustine, Gregory, and Albertus treat the sin of pride.

The two concepts of hypocrisy and heresy are completely disparate in modern use, and yet they were related in two ways during the early modern period. Firstly, both terms were prominent charges in the polemical exchanges of the English Reformation. Consequently, in this thesis they provide useful tools for studying the effects of controversy on language. The meaning of hypocrisy and of heresy was of considerable concern to many controversialists, and yet the resulting attempts at defining these terms contributed to their destabilization and incoherence. These terms were also related in a second respect throughout the early modern period. Given the universal conviction at that time that there was only one “true” church, and given the consequent pressures imposed by churches (both Catholic and Protestant) to enforce conformity to their own religions, it was inevitable that judgements had to be made concerning the convictions and internal beliefs of others. Such judgements were central in charges of heresy and hypocrisy; hence in this thesis the concepts of hypocrisy and heresy provide useful tools for studying early modern understandings of intentionality and judgement. The writings of Sir John Cheke, William Perkins, Bishop Joseph Hall and Sir Francis Bacon are shown to display concern combined with confusion and incoherence over these topics. However, Sir Thomas More’s Dialogue Concerning Heresies is shown to contain an intricate and coherent analysis of intentionality and judgement vis a vis heresy. But, More’s foundation for judgement and knowledge was the consensus fidelium, a foundation which simply was not available to the later Protestant writers. Lastly, Thomas Hobbes’s treatments of hypocrisy and heresy are examined. In effect, Hobbes negated the judgement of intentions where both concepts were concerned. He acknowledged and accepted the separation of internal belief from external profession. Likewise he accepted the impenetrable nature of the human mind and heart in a way his forebears had not. By examining Hobbes’s treatment of these concepts in light of the polemical confusion and conceptual incoherence of the preceeding century, a better understanding of Hobbes’s philosophy is obtained and the relevance of early modern theology for intellectual history is demonstrated.

The two concepts of hypocrisy and heresy are completely disparate in modern use, and yet they were related in two ways during the early modern period. Firstly, both terms were prominent charges in the polemical exchanges of the English Reformation. Consequently, in this thesis they provide useful tools for studying the effects of controversy on language. The meaning of hypocrisy and of heresy was of considerable concern to many controversialists, and yet the resulting attempts at defining these terms contributed to their destabilization and incoherence. These terms were also related in a second respect throughout the early modern period. Given the universal conviction at that time that there was only one “true” church, and given the consequent pressures imposed by churches (both Catholic and Protestant) to enforce conformity to their own religions, it was inevitable that judgements had to be made concerning the convictions and internal beliefs of others. Such judgements were central in charges of heresy and hypocrisy; hence in this thesis the concepts of hypocrisy and heresy provide useful tools for studying early modern understandings of intentionality and judgement. The writings of Sir John Cheke, William Perkins, Bishop Joseph Hall and Sir Francis Bacon are shown to display concern combined with confusion and incoherence over these topics. However, Sir Thomas More’s Dialogue Concerning Heresies is shown to contain an intricate and coherent analysis of intentionality and judgement vis a vis heresy. But, More’s foundation for judgement and knowledge was the consensus fidelium, a foundation which simply was not available to the later Protestant writers. Lastly, Thomas Hobbes’s treatments of hypocrisy and heresy are examined. In effect, Hobbes negated the judgement of intentions where both concepts were concerned. He acknowledged and accepted the separation of internal belief from external profession. Likewise he accepted the impenetrable nature of the human mind and heart in a way his forebears had not. By examining Hobbes’s treatment of these concepts in light of the polemical confusion and conceptual incoherence of the preceeding century, a better understanding of Hobbes’s philosophy is obtained and the relevance of early modern theology for intellectual history is demonstrated. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

O período presente entre o começo do século XIV e ano de 1418 é indispensável para a compreensão do cenário religioso-político medieval e para a compreensão das bases do mesmo pensamento na Idade Moderna. Neste período temos a mudança da sede da Igreja Católica de Roma pra Avignon, o retorno da mesma para Roma, a divisão da Igreja em dois grupos, cada um liderado por um papa, o Cisma do Ocidente, cisma esse que dura por décadas. Temos a ampliação do pensamento herético, a conversa entre grupos heterodoxos, e tentativas de conciliação que nem sempre eram absolutas e levavam até mesmo a renúncia do cargo pontifical. Neste período viveu John Wycliffe, professor de teologia em Oxford, tendo produzido uma série de obras em latim e outra ainda maior em inglês. Divulgando seus ideias para o povo e criando seu próprio grupo, os Lolardos. Esse pensador, dialogando com os grandes pensadores católicos e revendo pensamentos de outras heresias anteriores, cria a premissa da impossibilidade de uma igreja que fosse ao mesmo tempo autenticamente cristã e institucionalizada ou poderosa, em sua obra The Wicket. Através de uma argumentação racional e humanista, Wycliffe formulou, de certa forma, a base para a reforma protestante, ao mesmo tempo que precisou ser descartado pela mesma, após seu crescimento nos círculos de poder e institucionalização. A melhor compreensão deste peculiar autor e de sua obra permite não somente compreender melhor o mundo da baixa Idade Média, suas disputas religiosas e políticas, como também aprofundar o conhecimento sobre as bases do pensamento moderno. Além de lançar bases para a própria problematização da estrutura do poder religioso em si, seja ele católico ou não. / The Late Middle Ages, specially the period between 1305 and 1418 is indispensable to understand the political an religious though not only of the medieval people, but for the comprehension of the modern ages. In this small period of time much religious turbulence took place in Western Europe. The capital of the Catholic Church moved to Avignon and then returned to Roma, the Church slipt in two different factions in the Great Western Schism and each group was leaded by a different pope, both of them considering themselves as the sumo pontifce and the only true connection between God and men in earth. The Schism lasts for decades and each pope define the other as the antichrist. In this period the heretical though grown up and the attempts of reconciliations of the groups not always become effective, in matter of fact once even a pope renounced his post. John Wycliffe, professor of Theology in Oxford University, lived in this time. He produced a great number of papers in Latin and a even more great number of papers in middle English. His ideas continued with his followers the Lollards. This great thinker created important dialogues with the other heretical thinkers, being one of the most important pre-reformist theologian and creating the bases of the protestant reform. But the also created the idea that the true Christian church would never be institutionalized neither it could be powerful. In his sermon The Wicket, using humanistic reason, he united the words of Jesus in the Gospels to prove that would be impossible to create a strong institutionalized church. So, this particular paper was also put aside because it was not interesting for the newly created institutionalized church of the 16th century Studding this thinker and his works, specially the Wicket is very important to better understand not only the medieval church, but the institutionalized church of all times.

O período presente entre o começo do século XIV e ano de 1418 é indispensável para a compreensão do cenário religioso-político medieval e para a compreensão das bases do mesmo pensamento na Idade Moderna. Neste período temos a mudança da sede da Igreja Católica de Roma pra Avignon, o retorno da mesma para Roma, a divisão da Igreja em dois grupos, cada um liderado por um papa, o Cisma do Ocidente, cisma esse que dura por décadas. Temos a ampliação do pensamento herético, a conversa entre grupos heterodoxos, e tentativas de conciliação que nem sempre eram absolutas e levavam até mesmo a renúncia do cargo pontifical. Neste período viveu John Wycliffe, professor de teologia em Oxford, tendo produzido uma série de obras em latim e outra ainda maior em inglês. Divulgando seus ideias para o povo e criando seu próprio grupo, os Lolardos. Esse pensador, dialogando com os grandes pensadores católicos e revendo pensamentos de outras heresias anteriores, cria a premissa da impossibilidade de uma igreja que fosse ao mesmo tempo autenticamente cristã e institucionalizada ou poderosa, em sua obra The Wicket. Através de uma argumentação racional e humanista, Wycliffe formulou, de certa forma, a base para a reforma protestante, ao mesmo tempo que precisou ser descartado pela mesma, após seu crescimento nos círculos de poder e institucionalização. A melhor compreensão deste peculiar autor e de sua obra permite não somente compreender melhor o mundo da baixa Idade Média, suas disputas religiosas e políticas, como também aprofundar o conhecimento sobre as bases do pensamento moderno. Além de lançar bases para a própria problematização da estrutura do poder religioso em si, seja ele católico ou não. / The Late Middle Ages, specially the period between 1305 and 1418 is indispensable to understand the political an religious though not only of the medieval people, but for the comprehension of the modern ages. In this small period of time much religious turbulence took place in Western Europe. The capital of the Catholic Church moved to Avignon and then returned to Roma, the Church slipt in two different factions in the Great Western Schism and each group was leaded by a different pope, both of them considering themselves as the sumo pontifce and the only true connection between God and men in earth. The Schism lasts for decades and each pope define the other as the antichrist. In this period the heretical though grown up and the attempts of reconciliations of the groups not always become effective, in matter of fact once even a pope renounced his post. John Wycliffe, professor of Theology in Oxford University, lived in this time. He produced a great number of papers in Latin and a even more great number of papers in middle English. His ideas continued with his followers the Lollards. This great thinker created important dialogues with the other heretical thinkers, being one of the most important pre-reformist theologian and creating the bases of the protestant reform. But the also created the idea that the true Christian church would never be institutionalized neither it could be powerful. In his sermon The Wicket, using humanistic reason, he united the words of Jesus in the Gospels to prove that would be impossible to create a strong institutionalized church. So, this particular paper was also put aside because it was not interesting for the newly created institutionalized church of the 16th century Studding this thinker and his works, specially the Wicket is very important to better understand not only the medieval church, but the institutionalized church of all times.

This study investigates the understanding of heresy and the heretic according to John of Damascus. For him, a heretic was any Christian who, by wilful choice, departs from the one orthodox tradition by adopting a personal opinion on the common faith which he intends to institute as sole truth. Our research is divided into two parts and aims to apply John of Damascus' understanding of the recurring identity of the Christian heretic and his behaviour. By using historical-theological, interdisciplinary and diachronical approaches, our research demonstrates that this Church Father, who is the `seal of the patristic era,' remains a relevant authority for our comprehension of heresy and the heretic. Through two case studies, namely, the Dutch Reformed Churches and Apartheid, and Kimbanguism, our study specifies, on the one hand how a distorted Christian confession contributed to the rise of Apartheid, with its attendant sense of a theocracy, predestination, election, supremacy, divine love and justice. Kimbanguism, on the other hand, represents a heresy against its will. It is an example of Christian leaders who abused their power to apply cultural elements that resulted in a dramatic misinterpretation of the Christian dogma of the Trinity. Finally, our study intends to apply the notions of wilful choice, obstinacy and fanaticism, libertine exegesis, personal opinion and orthodox tradition or common faith, to portray a heretic by using an interdisciplinary approach: theologically as a libertine-exegete, psychologically as a dogmatic and fanatic person, and sociologically as a negative cultural reformer. Thus, our analysis is both historical and theological, and clearly and substantially elucidates the heretical mind in modern times. Consequently, our inquiry may be summed up as follows. Firstly, heresy habitually comes from an existing text, doctrine or discipline; secondly, it concerns people who are originally Christians; thirdly, it demonstrates that a heretic may be a fervent and an educated Christian, a layman or a church leader, who, on the basis of wilful choice, interprets Biblical texts freely, with his personal exegesis and hermeneutics, and ultimately incorrectly. From this exegesis and hermeneutics he deduces and sustains a new doctrine that he defends with obstinacy and fanaticism. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / D. Div. (Church History)