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This study follows the career of Joseph Columbus Manning (1870-1930), an Alabamian who took part in both the People's Party movement of the 1890's and the early work of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.;Manning founded the People's Party of Alabama in 1892, and subsequently fought to preserve its independence. Hampered by the leadership of powerful conservative agrarian Reuben Kolb and by voting frauds practiced by entrenched Bourbon Democrats, Manning speedily adopted the battle cry: "A Free Ballot and a Fair Count.".;In 1894, after "Jeffersonian Democratic" gubernatorial candidate Kolb had been counted out for the second time, Manning and his Populist cohorts assumed control of the agrarian movement and invited the Alabama GOP to join them in requesting a congressional investigation of state politics. Discussion of this "Congressional Strategy" dominated reform politics in Alabama for the next two years.;In 1896, when the disruption of Populism was certain, Manning joined the Republican Party, eventually gaining a post office appointment in Alexander City, Alabama. He held this position until 1909.;As a Populist and as a Republican, Manning worked to preserve the rights of all men. In his later years--the years of the disfranchisement movement in the South--he wrote civil rights pamphlets and was a rank-and-file worker for the NAACP. The story of his life is a striking testimony to the democratic and equalitarian spirit inherent in agrarian thought.

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The Japanese Emperor Hirohito accepted the Potsdam Declaration on 14 August 1945 represented the Japanese government announced the unconditional surrender. Based on the declaration, the process of the Allied occupation of Japan from 1945 to 1952 started. The period from 1945 to 1952 was special not only because it was the time of the allied occupation of Japan and also the period of Cold War. Japan as a defeated country in the WWII was occupied and the U.S. government had a special role in Japan. The Supreme Commander for the Allied Power (SCAP) had critical role in Japan in this period and it marked the change of Japan and the U.S. also made important change on the immigration policy. The U.S. occupation allowed the interracial marriage between the G.I.s and the Japanese women. Japanese war bride was the product of the occupation. They witnessed the immigration law reform, the racial problem in the society and the cooperation during the cold war. In this paper, I argue that Japanese war brides as the subject in the reform of the immigration laws. The implementation of different public laws, from only allowing non-Asia war brides to open to all war brides within the deadline show the improvement in the racial limitation requirement. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 and 1965 further reduced and eliminated the national origins quotas. Asians can therefore immigrate to the U.S. I also explain the racial ideas in the U.S. society by analyzing the bride schools. The war brides were encouraged to participate in the bride school before leaving Japan. They learned the history of the U.S., the culture and society of the U.S. and other skills as housewives and mothers. They were trained to match with the expectation of the U.S. society. I also analyze “assimilationism” and immigration policies. The “assimilation” of the Japanese war brides in Bride school can represent the ideology of immigration in the situation of the postwar society. The immigration laws before 1965 still contained the national origins ideas, which the Soviet Union used to attack and criticize. However, the U.S. occupation allowed the cooperation with the Japanese government. The “assimilation” of the Japanese war brides provided a special scene in showing the encounter of “assimilationism” and immigration law reform. The Japanese war brides witnessed the change in the immigration laws, “assimilationism” and Cold War policies. The Japanese war brides were the subjects in viewing the reform of the immigration policies. Using them to review the process can provide a different angle to evaluate the Cold War situation.

“Overseas Chinese is the mother of the Chinese revolution.” This quotation reflects the conventional perception that overseas Chinese is the chief enemy of Japan. However, this is in contrast with Vietnam’s overseas Chinese view; Japan considered them as a potential and crucial ally in Japan's Expansion in Southeast Asia. Chinese’s economic dominance in Vietnam, especially its monopoly in the rice industry and its traditional commercial network, provided them with an incredible political influence and bargaining power. This thesis aimed to rediscover the historical truth of overseas Chinese in Southern Vietnam during wartime by studying the transitions and policies made by Japan on overseas Chinese on French Indochina. It is commonly viewed that overseas Chinese are nationalist and have strong emotional attachment towards the motherland, China. However, there seem to have decline on their nationalism and their main concern was on bloodline, local community, survival and economic interest. The loss of Canton clique from the power struggle with Kuomintang strengthened the regional identity of Cantonese. It also created hostility towards the Nationalist government led by Chiang Kai-shek. The transition of attitude and selection to cooperate with Japan in the wartime was deemed a significant topic of Chinese politics and geopolitics in Southeast Asia in the 1930s. The overseas Chinese work of Nanking Nationalist government was successful in French Indochina. However, that was the only successful case of overseas Chinese work in Southeast Asia. The establishment and implementation of Japan’s policies on overseas Chinese in French Indochina differ from overseas Chinese in other occupied regions in Southeast Asia. This unique treatment reflected how Japan viewed the importance of overseas Chinese in French Indochina for its Pacific War’s scheme. Rice resource and geographical significance of French Indochina forced Japan to put special consideration and measures on French Indochina. Overseas Chinese's economic dominance in French Indochina, especially the rice industry made them primary target for Japan to win. To recover the historical truth hidden behind the ‘myth’ and propaganda of overseas Chinese, this research utilized the historical sources from different sides of interest, including army report, newspaper, books, and articles on time. Japan government’s official records dating back from the 1920s to the 40s could shed light to the perception and reality of Japan’s policies on overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and French Indochina. With the opening of the confidential documents of the Japanese Military, it is possible to reshape the historical role of overseas Chinese in Vietnam and eliminate the perceptions created by different political parties. To date, overseas Chinese is still influential in Vietnam and its neighboring countries.

Throughout the nineteenth century, opium occupied a position of great significance within the British Empire, comprising by the 1870s as much as 17% of the total revenues of the British India Government. Opium also made up the greater part of British exports to China, a legacy of early-century market exploitation and highly favourable commercial treaties signed following two opium wars fought by the two countries. Between the emergence of an organised anti-opium movement in 1875 and the close of the final international Geneva Opium Conference of 1931, British opium policy experienced a complete transformation. The development of British responses to the issue of opium offers a case study in the cultural history of international relations, while also offering insights into developments in the political scene in Britain. A critical issue at the heart of the transition from elite to mass politics in Britain at the crux of the emergence of a new socio-political landscape after the passage of the 1867 Reform Act, the increasing importance of public opinion and popular politics, the course of debate over opium characterised shifts in the British domestic political scene, highlighting the defining transitions in political action and social activism of the period. Opium was also a central focal point in the transformation of the global geopolitical environment at the turn of the twentieth century, with the emergence of hostile rival powers seeking to challenge British commercial and geopolitical pre-eminence, particularly in the form of the United States and Japan in Asia, with a radically different and reforming American approach to imperial policy in the region. This thesis examines these transitions, exploring the different phases of opium policy, and identifying the driving forces, causational factors, and continuities that defined these processes of reform, comprising a re-reading of the history of opium reform as a critical juncture within the cultural sphere of international relations.

In the divided atmosphere of the Cold War, East and West competed for the world’s hearts and minds through military standoffs and proxy wars, but more extensively through popular culture. While Cold War tensions generally separated East from West, the USSR maintained unusually friendly ties with France. I seek to understand how France and the Soviet Union reached détente in 1964, a full eight years before the US and other western nations. My research in public and private archives in France and Russia, of the French and Soviet press, and from interviews with key cinema figures reveals a solid base of cultural diplomatic relations that existed before 1964. Cinema in particular proved a useful tool for the French state to rebuild postwar relations with the Soviet Union. The Cannes International Film Festival and another cinema event called the Semaines du cinema led to an influx of film exchange that triggered the formation of a bilateral body in 1957, whose sole purpose was to negotiate cultural trade and exchange, called the Franco-Soviet Permanent Mixed Commission. These festivals and the Commission provided a bilateral framework upon which to build amicable political and diplomatic relationships, which helped ease tensions between France and the USSR and ultimately expedited détente in 1964.