論文(碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部,1977. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [257]-[270]). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan li shi xue bu.

馮塘妹. / 手稿本. / 論文(碩士) - 香港中文大學. / 參考書目 : p. 284-287. / Feng Tangmei. / 引言 --- p.001 / Chapter 第壹章 --- 唐代馬匹的用途 --- p.004 / Chapter （甲） --- 唐代馬匹在軍事上的用途 --- p.004 / Chapter 壹 --- 戰策與武馬之關繫 --- p.009 / Chapter 貳 --- 唐世軍事上用馬之盛 --- p.013 / Chapter （乙） --- 唐代馬匹在交通上的用途 --- p.018 / Chapter 壹 --- 郵驛制度 --- p.019 / Chapter 貳 --- 驛馬 --- p.027 / Chapter 叁 --- 乘馬 --- p.032 / Chapter （丙） --- 其他用途 --- p.035 / Chapter 壹 --- 儀衛 --- p.036 / Chapter 貮 --- 賞賜 --- p.041 / Chapter 叁 --- 進獻 --- p.044 / Chapter 肆 --- 貿易 --- p.048 / Chapter 伍 --- 聘禮 --- p.052 / Chapter 陸 --- 遊獵與毬戲 --- p.054 / Chapter 柒 --- 舞馬 --- p.058 / Chapter 捌 --- 食用 --- p.060 / Chapter 第貳章 --- 監牧閑廐官司組織 --- p.065 / Chapter （甲） --- 太僕寺 --- p.065 / Chapter 壹 --- 屬官官名員額及其職掌　　 --- p.067 / Chapter 貮 --- 屬署組織 --- p.072 / Chapter 叁 --- 諸牧監 --- p.076 / Chapter 肆 --- 請牧使 --- p.080 / Chapter （乙） --- 殿中省尚乘局 --- p.085 / Chapter 壹 --- 殿中省組織概述 --- p.087 / Chapter 貮 --- 尚乘局 --- p.089 / Chapter 叁 --- 諸閑廐 --- p.093 / Chapter 肆 --- 閑廐使 --- p.097 / Chapter （丙） --- 閑牧組織之統隸關繫´ؤ´ؤ結論閑牧組織統隸表 --- p.102 / Chapter 第叁章 --- 監牧始置及其發展 --- p.106 / Chapter （甲） --- 唐代監牧之始置　 --- p.106 / Chapter 壹 --- 監坊制度 --- p.108 / Chapter 貮 --- 牧馬芻草 --- p.120 / Chapter 叁 --- 官馬印記 --- p.128 / Chapter （乙） --- 監牧發展概述 --- p.133 / Chapter 壹 --- 初唐監牧的盛況 --- p.134 / Chapter 貮 --- 麟德以後牧馬的損耗　 --- p.140 / Chapter 叁 --- 馬政中興´ؤ´ؤ玄宗時代 --- p.145 / Chapter 肆 --- 安史亂後隴右監坊之衰廢 --- p.153 / Chapter 伍 --- 德宗以後新置諸監牧 --- p.159 / Chapter （附圖一） --- 代前期監牧之分佈 --- p.172 / Chapter （附圖二） --- 德宗以後置諸監 --- p.173 / Chapter 第肆章 --- 私牧 --- p.174 / Chapter （甲） --- 唐代前期的私牧 --- p.182 / Chapter 壹 --- 貞觀時代之私牧 --- p.183 / Chapter 貮 --- 魏元忠請弛馬禁封事 --- p.186 / Chapter 叁 --- 武后時私馬之特殊作用 --- p.189 / Chapter 肆 --- 私牧盛世´ؤ´ؤ開元天寶時代 --- p.190 / Chapter （乙） --- 中唐以後私牧之地位 --- p.195 / Chapter 壹 --- 肅代後私牧的規模 --- p.196 / Chapter 貮 --- 私馬助軍 --- p.205 / Chapter 叁 --- 私廐供驛 --- p.210 / Chapter 第伍章 --- 馬政與草原民族之關繫 --- p.214 / Chapter （甲） --- 市馬´ؤ´ؤ唐代中國與西北蕃之經濟關繫 --- p.216 / Chapter 壹 --- 市突厥馬 --- p.219 / Chapter 貮 --- 市廻絵馬 --- p.224 / Chapter 叁 --- 市吐蕃馬 --- p.233 / Chapter 肆 --- 市党項馬 --- p.235 / Chapter 伍 --- 其他市域外馬例 --- p.237 / Chapter （乙） --- 馬政盛衰與草原民族軍事活動之關繫 --- p.240 / Chapter 壹 --- 開元後邊鎮重兵政策　 --- p.240 / Chapter 貮 --- 草原民族之內寇與馬政之關繫 --- p.247 / Chapter （附圖三） --- 安史亂後西北蕃寇掠圖 --- p.268 / 結論 --- p.269 / 註釋 --- p.277 / 引用書目 --- p.284

何炳堅. / 手稿本, 複本據手稿本影印. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--香港中文大學, 1988. / Shou gao ben, fu ben ju shou gao ben ying yin. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 589-634). / He Bingjian. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1988. / 《引言》 --- p.1-11 / Chapter 《第一章》 --- 《戊戌前夕中國變法的需要與晚清政府延綿國祚的機會》 --- p.12-93 / Chapter 《節一》 --- 前言及其註腳 --- p.12-16 / Chapter 《節弍》 --- 戊戌變法前夕國勢阽危情形 --- p.17-31 / 節弍註腳 --- p.32-42 / Chapter 《節三》 --- 戊戌變法前夕思想界的一般情況 --- p.43-59 / 節三註腳 --- p.60-70 / Chapter 《節四》 --- 變法藍圖與清室國祚延綿的機會 --- p.71-83 / 節四註腳 --- p.84-89 / Chapter 《節五》 --- 餘論及註腳 --- p.90-93 / Chapter 《第弍章》 --- 《戊戌思潮之變法理論、具體提議及其局限》 --- p.94-253 / Chapter 《節一》 --- 諸言及其註腳 --- p.94-103 / Chapter 《節弍》 --- 主要變法思想家之變法理論 --- p.104-155 / 節弍註腳 --- p.156-179 / Chapter 《節三》 --- 變法思想內容的探討 --- p.180-233 / 節之註腳 --- p.234-249 / Chapter 《節四》 --- 小結及其註腳 --- p.250-253 / Chapter 《第三章》 --- 《光緒皇帝與變法人物的關係》 --- p.254-450 / Chapter 《節一》 --- 前言及其註腳 --- p.254-260 / Chapter 《節弍》 --- 光緒帝與康有為的晉接 --- p.261-292 / 節弍註腳 --- p.293-312 / Chapter 《節三》 --- 光緒帝與維新諸子的晉接 --- p.313-357 / 節三註腳 --- p.358-387 / Chapter 《節四》 --- 光緒帝與親信大臣的接觸 --- p.388-431 / 節四註腳 --- p.432-446 / Chapter 《節五》 --- 小結及註腳 --- p.477-450 / Chapter 《第四章》 --- 《光緒皇帝與戊戌變法》 / Chapter 《節一》 --- 引言及其註腳 --- p.451-453 / Chapter 《節二》 --- 光緒帝變法上諭的分析 --- p.454-488 / 節二註腳 --- p.489-501 / Chapter 《節三》 --- 變法運動的開展與舊黨的反擊 --- p.502-532 / 節三註腳 --- p.533-543 / Chapter 《節四》 --- 政變的發生及經過 --- p.544-556 / 節四註腳 --- p.557-567 / Chapter 《節五》 --- 小結及其註腳 --- p.568-572 / 《結論》 --- p.573-588 / 《參考書目》 --- p.589-634

The transition to democracy in South Africa after 1994 saw president Nelson Mandela proclaim South Africa a ‘rainbow nation’. This in theory signalled a new respect for diverse histories, which museums and other heritage projects were expected to reflect upon. Certain elements of the past have, however, remained marginalised as new state-funded museum projects have invested in the idea of a shared past. As a means of encouraging unity in a divided country, this new national history centres on the idea of a nation which united against apartheid, overcame it, and now enjoys a glorious present as a result. Slavery and colonialism are amongst the histories which have not been discussed openly. This thesis considers how slavery and its memory have functioned in relation to post-apartheid initiatives of transformation both in terms of museums and heritage projects, and broader society. Through use of qualitative interviews, it scopes the responses of museologists, policy makers, and heritage activists to the questions and demands posed by post-apartheid society. These questions are particularly pertinent currently given that new generations of activists are increasingly calling for ‘decolonisation’ as a means of reforming a society which they claim has not delivered the changes promised in the immediate post-1994 period. Such claims by necessity require discussion of the deeply-ingrained injustices which colonialism and slavery set in motion. Indeed, it is suggested that in post-apartheid South Africa it is problematic to commemorate historical slavery without reference to these often visible legacies. The thesis argues that the different concepts of historical slavery held by different groups results in contestations when the subject rememerges in public discourse. These contestations are variously shaped by the specific ways slavery has been marginalised over time in South Africa, and by the demands of the present.

[From the introduction]: This work is a study of the collective remembrance of two Native American massacre sites, Bear River (1863) and Sand Creek (1864). I have chosen to consider these two particular massacres because they both occurred during the American Civil War and took place in America’s western territories. Both massacres have been the subject of very interesting, yet substantially different, memorialization projects and their representations contrast greatly, particularly within Euro-American public and scholarly memory. The Sand Creek Massacre has a wide, varied historiography and is remembered within American history as one of the most brutal and violent massacres of indigenous peoples in the American West. By contrast, despite the number of Natives slaughtered at Bear River exceeding numbers at Sand Creek, the Bear River Massacre has a very limited historiography and to date has received little attention in American public memory. This thesis explores the problems inherent in attempting to apply the concept of collective memory to the Euro-American and Native American remembrance of Bear River and Sand Creek from the time of the massacres until the present day. I reveal memory and commemoration at the two massacre sites to be culturally specific and demonstrate that different Euro-American and Native cultural memories are not easily transportable across disparate ethnic boundaries, a fact existing collective memory literature often fails to acknowledge. This has made the process of creating a collective memory that crosses Native and Euro-American cultures very difficult. Currently, at both Bear River and Sand Creek, different tribal and Euro-American memories of the massacres remain polarized and culturally specific, yet they co-exist at a shared site of atrocity. However, and somewhat paradoxically, I also argue that the contested process of attempting to collectively remember across disparate groups has aided in a process of healing, reconciliation and historical understanding. In order to demonstrate the cultural specificity of memory at Bear River and Sand Creek, I critically explore the notion’s roots before examining in depth an anomaly in Western American history: how one of the biggest massacres in this history, the death of approximately 250 Northwestern Shoshoni at Bear River in Southeastern Idaho, has been consistently under-emphasized by popular and academic historians, as well as in American public memory. I contend, therefore, that Bear River cannot be entirely categorized with instances of violence against Indian peoples in the formation of the 1800s American West. I argue that this lacuna is a result of limited cross-cultural historical representation from the Mormon Church, the Northwestern Shoshoni, Unionaffiliated soldiers and Euro-American settlers. Each of these histories tends to remain separated in American scholarly and public memory. As I shall demonstrate, this has resulted in the relative obscurity of Bear River. I analyze key reasons for this underemphasis, focusing primarily on the history of Mormon settlers in the region and the relative public silence of the Northwestern Shoshoni regarding tribal history of the massacre. The second part of this thesis centers on the better-known history of how 165-200 Cheyenne and Arapaho were massacred at Sand Creek in 1864. I pay close attention to the Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site in Southeastern Colorado, considering the problematic impact different Native and non-Native notions of place have had on constructing the collective and public remembrance of the massacre. I argue that a site of such resounding loss is subject to too many contested interpretations to serve as a viable means of expressing a form of collective memory. However, I also argue that the desire to articulate loss and voice reconciliation at Sand Creek has nonetheless led to a positive interaction across Native and non-Native boundaries that has aided in a process of healing and cultural understanding.

In 1783 the West India interest - absentee planters, merchants trading to the West Indies and colonial agents - organised into a formal lobbying group as a consequence of the government's introduction of colonial and economic policies that were at odds with its political and economic interests. Between 1783 and 1833, the London West India Committee acted as political advocates for the merchant and planter interest in Britain, and the planters residing in the West Indies, lobbying the government for regulatory advantage and protection of its monopoly. This thesis is a study of the London West India Committee. It charts the course of British anti-abolition through the lens of its membership and by drawing on its meeting minutes it seeks to provide a more comprehensive analysis of its lobbying strategies, activities and membership, and further insight into its political, cultural and social outlook. It explores its reactions to the threat to its political and commercial interests by abolitionist agitation, commercial and colonial policy that provoked challenges to colonial authority. It argues that the proslavery position was not as coherent and unified as previously assumed, and that the range of views on slavery and emancipation fractured consensus among the membership. Rather than focus primarily on the economic aspects of their lobbying strategy this thesis argues for a broader analysis of the West India Committee's activities, exploring the decline of the planter class from a political perspective.

This study argues that American views of Korea during the period of Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945) shaped U.S. policy toward Korea in the colonial period and after, setting the stage for direct U.S. involvement in Korea's post-liberation years after 1945. Korean nationalists perceived the U.S. as a special ally and a model country, and expected it to play a positive role in resolving Korea's colonial status. In fact, American views of Korea in the early twentieth century were mixed, and depended greatly on the respective observers' relationship to Korea--whether as missionary, as scholar, or as diplomat. At the same time, Japan played a crucial role in mediating American views, reflecting the Asia colonizer's interest in winning international approval for its imperialist project. When Korean-American diplomatic relations began in the late nineteenth century, Americans observers typically regarded Korea as an uncivilized but distinct Asian country. This perception of backwardness persisted into the early twentieth century, even as Korea lost its status as a nation-state with the Japanese annexation of 1910. Awareness of Japanese subjugation of Korea would expand significantly in the period 1919-1922, as journalists and missionaries conveyed news of the March First Movement to the American public and Korean nationalists countered Japanese government efforts to influence international opinion. Nationalist efforts to influence U.S. policymaking in the 1920s and 1930s were persistent but never fully successful, in part because of Korean factional rivalries, changing Japanese strategies of colonial control, and American diplomats' desire to protect U.S. colonial interests in the Philippines. Although Korean nationalists failed to accomplish their ultimate goal of participating directly in the U.S. government's wartime discussions on Korea in the early 1940s, they nevertheless succeeded in making the American public aware that Korea was a cultural and racial entity distinct from Japan. This awareness would lay a foundation for American direct intervention in Korean political, social, and military problems after 1945.

This research examines, through a detailed analysis of the way in which laws were implemented, the changing strategies that the Qing Empire employed to govern Xinjiang from 1759, when this area was annexed into the empire, to 1911, when the Qing dynasty collapsed. Focusing on the changes in the applicability of the two legal systems--Qing state law and indigenous Islamic law--in the criminal and the civil domains respectively, as well as the dynamic of the Qing legal policies, the dissertation studies the Qing's state building project in a multi-ethnic context from the legal perspective. Different from many historians studying European expansion, who argue that law was an important tool of forced acculturation, my research on Xinjiang shows that the Qing rulers managed to integrated this area without full acculturation. The story this dissertation is telling is one of the creation of Xinjiang as a province over time, though one that still holds an ambiguous status as an autonomous region even to today. It is against this background that the dissertation looks at how the two vast legal systems collided in China's northwestern frontier, and how the area's indigenous inhabitants and immigrants used the law to advance and defend their own interests.

The 20th century Cooperative Movement emerged out of a need for people to gain some control over the enormous social and economic changes sweeping the country in the first half of the century. While industrialization and corporate consolidation that occurred during this period offered a range of new opportunities for people who had the means to take advantage of them, entire sectors of the population - farmers, workers, immigrants and African Americans - suffered economic disenfranchisement that severely restricted their ability to participate in the expanding marketplace. Some members of these groups believed the cooperative movement might provide the means to manipulate the emerging political economy to serve their needs by modifying the conventions of individual agency through collective action. Cooperatives, largely organized by the economically disenfranchised groups, promised protection from exploitation (such as price gouging, the passing off of inferior products, and unfair hiring practices) on the part of an increasingly powerful corporate capitalist elite. Cooperators believed that by withdrawing their money from the national market and redirecting excess capital back to the consumers of their communities they could use their acquired power to safeguard local political, social and economic interests. While the economic and political benefits of self-empowered consumers helped knit together large numbers of like-minded individuals, what truly sustained the cooperatives was the fact that they almost always emerged among groups of people that shared significant connections above and beyond economic need. For example, cooperatives tended to form among communities of people with similar backgrounds, defined by characteristics such as ethnicity, language, and race. These community connections, fostered through social and cultural activities, rooted individuals within the historical experiences of a cohesive group and made it possible for cooperatives formed by such groups to command the loyalty of their members. When cooperative leaders, however, tried to launch a national effort to broaden the scope and power of the cooperative movement, they failed to foster the local, grassroots community connections that had made cooperatives successful in the first place. As a result, the movement faltered. This dissertation contributes to the history of working class, local activism around consumerism and highlights the importance of community connections in the success and failure of cooperatives.

In the first decade of their occupation of the former Ottoman territories of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica in current-day Libya, the Italian colonial administration established a system of indirect rule in the Cyrenaican town of Ajedabiya under the leadership of Idris al-Sanusi, a leading member of the Sufi order of the Sanusiyya and later the first monarch of the independent Kingdom of Libya after the Second World War. Post-colonial historiography of modern Libya depicted the Sanusiyya as nationalist leaders of an anti-colonial rebellion as a source of legitimacy for the Sanusi monarchy. Since Qaddafi's revolutionary coup in 1969, the Sanusiyya all but disappeared from Libyan historiography as a generation of scholars, eager to fill in the gaps left by the previous myopic focus on Sanusi elites, looked for alternative narratives of resistance to the Italian occupation and alternative origins for the Libyan nation in its colonial and pre-colonial past. Their work contributed to a wider variety of perspectives in our understanding of Libya's modern history, but the persistent focus on histories of resistance to the Italian occupation has missed an opportunity to explore the ways in which the Italian colonial framework shaped the development of a religious and political authority in Cyrenaica with lasting implications for the Libyan nation. As a latecomer to the European "Scramble for Africa", the Italian occupation of the Libyan territories has received little attention in Italian historiography or in larger works on late European imperialism. The perception that the Italian colonial project in North Africa was too short and insignificant to merit serious analysis persists in Italian intellectual and public discourses, but the Italian occupation of the Libyan territories represented a critical moment of national formation in Italy. Coming just four decades after the territorial unification of the Kingdom of Italy in 1870, the movement to invade the Libyan coast and subsequent debates concerning methods of colonial rule reflected conflicting visions of the type of nation Italy should become as it attempted to expand overseas. In the years leading up to the invasion of the Libyan coast in 1911 and for the following decade, the Italian colonial administration largely adhered to a liberal ideal of indirect rule by appealing to Muslim elites even while the Occupying Forces engaged in a frequently brutal repression of armed rebellion. The attempts of Italian administrators to negotiate a power-sharing system with Sanusi elites placed them in an international competition among imperial powers jockeying for influence in Muslim North Africa. A perception of the Sanusiyya as a highly centralized and powerful organization capable of calling on the loyalties of Muslims throughout the region inspired the Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II to arm the Sanusi zawāyā or religious centers at the end of the nineteenth century in the hopes that the Sanusi elite would lead local populations against European expansion. Subsequent colonial administrations in the region courted the favor of the spiritual leader of the Sufi order, Ahmad al-Sharif, despite the widespread doubts concerning the extent and nature of his political authority among the region's tribal leaders. When it became clear that the recognized head of the Sufi order, Ahmad al-Sharif, would not lend his support to pacifying the Cyrenaican interior, the Italian administration, with a strong push from British officials in Egypt, identified his cousin Idris al-Sanusi as an alternative intermediary who could generate consensus for Italian rule. From 1916 until 1923, the Italian state cultivated Idris al-Sanusi's authority by providing him with armed forces and allowing him to adopt the symbols of government in a semi-autonomous emirate in the Cyrenaican interior. An invitation from a group of Tripolitanian notables for Idris al-Sanusi to extend his emirate into the western region precipitated the decision of the fascist Ministry of Colonies, Luigi Federzoni, to denounce previous negotiations with the Sanusiyya in 1923, and he expressed concerns that the Italian state had created a political authority where one did not exist, rewarded Italy's enemies, and invested misplaced trust in a regional leader that proved unable or unwilling to generate consensus for Italian colonial rule. Idris al-Sanusi left the Libyan territories for Cairo where he remained in exile until the United Nations placed him on the throne of the independent Kingdom of Libya. With the departure of Idris al-Sanusi and the dissolution of the Sanusi emirate, Federzoni and his administration initiated a program of territorial expansion to fulfill the nationalist quest for land in the Libyan interior. In the late 1920s, Italy initiated a series of brutal military campaigns culminating in the capture and hanging of the Sanusi shaykh Omar al-Mukthar in 1931. This dissertation explores the Italian approach to colonial rule in eastern Libya as a reflection of internal national struggles over the relationship between religious and political authority and as a formative moment in the political history of the Libyan nation.