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The purpose of this study is to listen to teachers’ stories and reconstruct their classrooms in the midst of the global upheaval of people’s movements in the 1960s-70s through teachers’ narratives. The primary research questions are: How did social movements in the 1960s-1970s influence their teaching practices? What was their intention and how did they carry out their daily teaching practice? In the educational research field, narrative inquirers explore teachers’ stories, their life experiences and teaching practices, in order to understand how teachers view the world. I collected stories, through in-depth interviews, of ten Japanese teachers who taught in Japanese public school system, and were active in social and educational movements during the 1960s-70s in order to understand how teachers understood and resisted dominant oppressive forces which create and perpetuate social inequality. Teacher narratives were analyzed using two complementary methods: contents analysis and interactional positioning theory. First, stories of teachers’ struggles in their classrooms and schools were contextualized in a wider social struggle for humanity and a more just society, in order to explore teachers’ understanding of social oppression and their resistance, and multiculturalism in Japanese classrooms in the 1960s-1970s. Through their stories, an indigenous multicultural nature of Japanese classrooms was revealed, even before the multiculturalism became an imported educational topic in the 1980s. Furthermore, using interactional positioning theory, I discussed how teacher activist identities were constructed during the narration, at the same time, uncover how social stigma of being an activist possibly suppressed the participants overtly constructing an activist identity in narratives.

This thesis postulates the annihilation of the poor as the authorised end of development. This circumstance, I contend, is an effect of the entanglement – that is, the mutual affectability (Barad 2007) – of the human and capital as descriptors of ethical and economic value, respectively. Accordingly, I suggest that the annihilation of the poor by capital under the sign of development is authorised as the preservation of value. I designate this as the postcolonial capitalist condition. The argument unfolds through encounters with three sites that have become metonymic with destruction wrought by development: the state response to peasant revolt against land expropriation in Nandigram, the Bhopal gas leak, and the recently emergent surrogacy market. I offer these as different instantiations of the annihilation of the poor, each of which gives lie to the recuperative myth of development. Here, annihilation proceeds by leaving a material trace upon the body. I follow this trace to argue the indispensability of the body in performing the ideological work of development – that is, to preserve an idealised appearance as human through the eradication of the poor that appear as subaltern – even as it establishes itself as an emancipatory truth. Thus, in this thesis I offer an analysis of the violence of capital not as socio-materially imposed (per Karl Marx) but rather as an onto-materially authorised (following Georges Bataille). As such, I seek to explicate the differential mattering of bodies – as both, appearance and significance – under development.

Concentrating on the time frame between the establishment of India's Constituent Assembly in 1946, and the passing of the Dowry Prevention Act in 1961, this thesis attempts to write an alternative history of India's transition to Independence, by applying the tools of feminist historiography to this crucial period of citizenship making, as a way of offering new perspectives on the nature, meaning and boundaries of citizenship in post-colonial India. It focuses on a cohort of nationalists and feminists who were leading members of two prominent women's organisations, the All India Women's Conference (AIWC) and the National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW), documenting and analysing the voices and positions of this cohort in some of the key debates around nation building in Nehruvian India. It also traces and analyses the range of activities and struggles engaged in by these two women's organisations - as articulations and expressions of citizenship in practice. The intention in so doing is to address three key questions or areas of exploration. Firstly to analyse and document how gender relations and contemporary understandings of gender difference, both acted upon and were shaped by the emerging identity of the Indian as postcolonial citizen, and how this dynamic interaction was situated within a broader matrix of struggles and competing identities including those of minority rights. Secondly to analyse how the framework of postcolonial Indian citizenship has both created new possibilities for empowerment, but simultaneously set new limitations on how the Indian women's movement was able to imagine itself as a political constituency and the feminist agenda it was able to articulate and pursue. Thirdly to explore how applying a feminist historiography to the story of the construction of postcolonial Indian citizenship calls for the ability to think about the meaning and possibilities of citizenship in new and different ways, to challenge the very conceptual frameworks that define the term.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1990. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 821-886).

This thesis explored the role of traditional leaders in the promotion of municipal service delivery. The study focuses on three main areas, namely the history and development of public administration, the effects of government environment on traditional leaders and a case study of the Royal Bafokeng Administration. To achieve the objectives of the study, it is necessary to indicate the objective of local government outlined in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996. The Constitution states the following objectives: the provision of services to communities in a sustainable manner, the promotion of social and economic development, as well as the involvement of communities and community organisations in the matters of local government. The quest for a better municipal service delivery cannot be achieved in isolation from the integration of traditional leaders into the South African Public Service. The integration of traditional leaders into the South African Public Service is to ensure that municipal services are rendered equitably, efficiently and effectively. A comparative analysis of the role of traditional leaders in the Republic of South Africa, Namibia, Swaziland, Lesotho and Botswana shows that, should African traditional leadership and governance be fully integrated into the South African Public Service structures, municipal service delivery will be accelerated. The study suggests that recognition of the role of traditional leaders in the promotion of service delivery will help to expedite the redress of municipal service delivery imbalances and inequities in the rural disadvantaged communities in South Africa. The study analyses the following question: to what extent can traditional leaders provide and add value in the promotion of municipal service delivery which will contribute to the new constitutional democracy in South Africa? The study examines the present state of the role of traditional leaders in the promotion of municipal services by studying three local government cases namely, Botswana tribal authorities, the Modjadji Tribal Authority and the Royal Bafokeng Administration. The study suggests that there is an urgent need to integrate traditional leaders into the local government structures to assist in clearing the municipal service delivery backlog. This thesis also suggests that the South African traditional leadership system be compared with its Southern African counterparts such as Botswana. / Thesis (DAdmin)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA) / Unrestricted

This thesis concerns the history of humanitarian nutrition and its political implications. Drawing on aid agency archives and other historical sources, it examines how food has been delivered in emergencies, from the First World War to the present day. The approach is ethnographic: this is a study of the micro-level practices of relief, examining the objects distributed, the plans made, the techniques used. It is also historical: examining how such practices have changed over time. This thesis makes five interlocking arguments. First, I make a political point: that humanitarian action is always political, and that it is impossible to adhere to ‘classical’ humanitarian principles such as neutrality, impartiality and independence. Second, I make a sociological argument: that the activities of humanitarian nutrition have been shaped by a number of themes, which include militarism, medicine, modernity, and markets. Third, I make a historical argument: that the main features of humanitarian nutrition were solidified between the 1930s and the 1970s, and were largely in place by the time of the Biafran war. Fourth, I make a sociological argument: that these mid-century changes involved a profound redefinition of hunger and food (with hunger conceived as a biochemical deficiency, and food as a collection of nutrients). Finally, I make a normative argument, suggesting that this redefinition has not necessarily benefited the starving: the provision of food in emergencies, I argue, is often concerned with control and efficiency rather than the suffering individuals themselves.

Der Zweikampf als fester Bestandteil der mittelalterlichen wie auch frühneuzeitlichen Streitkultur ist ein überaus vielschichtiges, dynamisches und prinzipiell mehrdeutiges Phänomen, das sich den kategorialen Bändigungsversuchen der Rechtsgeschichte ebenso entzieht wie linearen Entwicklungsnarrativen. Aufgrund der typologischen Bandbreite – Entscheidungszweikampf, als Gottesurteil verstandenes Beweismittel, gerichtlich kontrolliertes Fechten um Ehrangelegenheiten, das neuzeitliche Duell als historischer Fluchtpunkt – und der Pluralität von Praktiken und Sinnzuschreibungen verbietet sich ein einseitiger Rekurs auf normative Quellen und rechtshistorische Ansätze gleichsam von selbst. Vielmehr scheint sich, überblickt man die Forschungsleistungen der letzten Jahre, eine Erweiterung der Perspektive unter Rückgriff auf sozial- und kulturgeschichtliche Methoden, Erkenntnisinteressen und Quellenspektren durchzusetzen.

The thesis is a study of a Guaraní community (comunidad) situated in the Department of Santa Cruz in the southeastern lowlands of Bolivia. The thesis uses the concept of ‘comunidad’ as a focus of investigation. While this concept is one that is familiar and firmly embedded in contemporary discourses throughout Bolivia, the meanings which different people and interest groups attach to it and the purposes which they ascribe to it are far from unanimous. Apart from the physical and legal entity, comprising a group of people, the land on which they live, and the legal title for its ownership, a comunidad is a multifaceted and multilayered complex of diverging and sometimes competing ideas, desires and agendas. Questioning the concept of ‘comunidad’ in this way opens up new perspectives on what people are doing and why that could easily be overlooked in continuing to assume that we know what we are talking about when talking about a ‘comunidad indígena’ in Bolivia today. The thesis explores the case of Cañón de Segura by eliciting and bringing together the various claims and perspectives that impact on the lives of its inhabitants (comunarios). Starting with a historical overview to situate the comunidad within Bolivian and Guaraní history, the thesis moves into an ethnographic discussion of the comunarios’ own perceptions and meanings of ‘comunidad’, followed by an exploration of various outsiders’ perspectives on the same topic that impact on the comunarios’ lives in different ways. The aim of the thesis is to illustrate the overlap and entanglements between these different positions in order to show how the different perspectives on the meaning and purpose of a Guaraní ‘comunidad’ all contribute to shape the actual realities of people’s lives ‘on the ground’.

Foreign policy of Czechoslovakia in 70's and 80's depended completely on the policy of the Soviet union and its promoted ideology. The Czechoslovak socialist republic preserved the narrowest relationship with the Soviet union and its sattelite states in Eastern Europe, while the relationship with the western countries oriented to co-operation with the United states, was very cold and was beeing restored very slowly and gradually. The developing countries, especially those heading to a socialist establishment, had a special position in Czechoslovak foreign policy. Especially these countries benefited from Czechoslovak aid such as financial, military or material support. Another way Czechoslovakia implemented its development aid was offering scholarships for university students. The purpose of this form of aid was to contribute to the progress of developing countries, most of whom gained independence recently. Simultaneously the policy pursued another aim - to spread the socialist ideology and the influlence of the Soviet union around the world. Hundreds of foreign students studied in Czechoslovak universities every year during 70's and 80's. Most of them came from so called developing countries. Foreign students came from various countries of the world, various cultures and therefore they perceived...