Using 2005 data from Gallup public opinion surveys on attitudes toward immigration policy in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom this study explores the factors that impact attitudes. Additional analysis is conducted on the United States exploring how economic, political and associative measures impact attitudes. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

This thesis describe the Czech immigration policy from 1989 to the present. The thesis is divided into theoretical and practical part. The theoretical part explains the basic concepts of migration and theoretical approaches to migration. There is also explained the impact of migration on the economy of countries In the practical part is analyzed one of the objectives of the work which relates to the development of immigration policy in the Czech Republic and their effects on selected economic indicators. Further details are described and evaluated projects most active migration policy. The last part, which brings the greatest added value, is the recommendation for Czech immigration policy. This recommendations are changes in the legislative framework of existing projects and sales of long-term visas.

The aim of this thesis is to describe and evaluate a current coexistence of Vietnamese minority with Czech society and via this example to illustrate and identify principles of coexistence of minorities with majority in general. The scope of this paper contains a field research focused on the integration process of Vietnamese community into the Czech society. The results are then evaluated according to the recent studies. Finally the results of the empirical research are reviewed and summarized into a description of an integration process of the Vietnamese community into the Czech society. The partial aim of this thesis is to review updated document - Foreigners integration concept.

This Master Thesis, "Pro-active immigration policy in the Czech Republic" discusses the principles of the current Czech immigration policy. The thesis analyzes the evolution of the pro-active immigration policy from 1990's to the present. The paper researches the reasons why people migrate and also summarizes the views on immigration policy from some of the most prestigious schools of economic thought. The main goal of this thesis was to analyze the four main programs of the Czech pro-active immigration policy -- the pilot project Selection of Qualified Foreign Workers, charity projects in Ukraine, the resettlement of refugees from Burma and the latest project, the Green Cards. The last chapter describes the basic pillars on which immigration policy should be standing. The chapter also addresses possible reform of the current immigration policy; the principle idea is to offer visas for purchase and thereby make the system more effective.

This paper deals with Australian immigration policy, its evolution and current situation. It analyses different waves of immigration to Australia from 1788, describing the first British migration, gold related Chinese migration or 19th century non-british migration. It goes further to explain controversial White Australia Policy including The Immigration Restriction Act of 1901 and core concepts of whiteness and Britishness. The post-war mass immigration program is then described in detail and its relation to shift away from White Australia is shown. The objective of keeping Australia white and British was substantially modified through the 1950s and 1960s. It was Prime Minister Gough Whitlam who officialy ended the White Australia Policy in 1973 and gave its support to the concept of multiculturalism. Measures of the Fraser, Hawke and Keating governments concerning immigration policy are also treated. The theme of Czechs and Slovaks in Australia is included, emphasizing on personal story of one czech immigrant. As the perception of immigration in Australia evolved from assimilation to multicultural society, the Australian approach to multiculturalism is covered in the next part of the thesis. Critical views on multiculturalism are decribed as well as the rise of Pauline Hanson's One Nation in 1990s or the topic of Australian Muslims. Changes in immigration policy under the Howard government and possible directions of new Labor government are outlined in the next chapter, including issues of refugees, current visa system in Australia or public attitudes towards immigrants.

The devolution of immigration policy to the 50 states has resulted in the enactment of more than 1,500 state-level immigration since 2005. For the record 42 million immigrants living in the U.S., these laws have had tremendous consequences related to healthcare utilization and access, community relations with law enforcement, family dissolution, and the exacerbation of income inequalities. While the legislative arena has shifted to the states, our understanding of immigration policymaking remains unclear due to inconsistent and omitted predictors of immigration policy, subjective coding of immigration laws, and statistical modeling that does not take into account changes in key independent variables. Using data primarily from the Census Bureau’s American Factfinder, the Current Population Survey, and the National Council of State Legislatures, and other sources this research refines the quantitative determinants of immigration policy while using time-series analysis to highlight the factors linked to laws designed to integrate or exclude immigrations in the 50 states. Once empirical analysis is conducted, I delve into the details of state level immigration policymaking by interviewing state level bureaucrats within state health departments to determine the role that they, their data analysis, and the research play when it comes to influencing legislators and shaping immigration policy. This mixed methods approach combining statistical modeling and key informant interviews provides important findings that give a clear picture on why state institutional arrangements are crucial for understating immigration policy at the state level.

Thesis (M.M. (Security))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, Graduate School of Public and Development Management, 2013. / Every country has the sovereign right to decide who may or may not enter its territory. Possession of a visa does not guarantee automatic admission to the Republic of South Africa (RSA). It only authorises the holder to proceed to the Republic to report to an immigration officer at a port of entry for the purpose of being examined as to his / her ability or otherwise, to comply with the entry requirements. The purpose of a visa on the one hand is to ensure proper screening of applicants so that undesirable persons are not admitted to the Republic and on the other hand to facilitate the entry of approved applicants at South African ports of entry. Visa provides immigration officers with the necessary information to ensure that applicants are admitted for the correct purpose and period into the RSA. Visa and immigration policy together determine who can come into South Africa for admission. This paper explores visa process at the South African High Commission in Swaziland in the context of national security. The survey for visa applicants and staff members at the mission was conducted in order to determine the challenges that are faced during visa processing. The paper concludes by putting forward suggested recommendations that can assist in improving the efficiency and effectiveness of the visa process at the mission in the context of national security.

Thesis advisor: Heather Richardson / Thesis advisor: Kevin Kenny / Between 1824 and 1876, almost ten million immigrants came to the United States. The onset of mass immigration posed a logistical problem: how to process, aid, and regulate a large influx of newcomers. State and federal governments, caught up in conflicts over state sovereignty and slavery, proved ill-equipped to manage the influx of migrants. The states enacted their own individual policies to control mobility, but there was no national immigration policy before the Civil War. Where state and federal governments failed to come up with a comprehensive solution, an ad hoc group of shipping merchants, passenger agents, aid organizations, runners and swindlers responded to the onset of mass migration by turning migration into a commercial enterprise. Taken together, these various actors, which I term the “migration business,” formulated an institutional response to the problem of mass immigration in the US. The passenger trade was a side business for many merchants in 1824, when the Supreme Court ruled that Congress had power over interstate commerce. But by 1876, the migration business had become a vast commercial enterprise, according to the Supreme Court, that was so important to the national interest as to require federal regulation. This dissertation explains how the migration business became a commercial enterprise worthy of federal regulation and how it influenced immigration policy on the local, state, and federal level. Through its control of transportation costs, charitable aid, and state and federal immigrant organizations, the migration business held regulatory power over immigrants, as well. By regulating immigration, the migration business formed its own kind of immigration policy—one that was led by merchants and entrepreneurs, and one that exploited foreign-born people in the US. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

The Canadian response following the Haitian earthquake of 2010 was not solely focused on providing humanitarian assistance. Canada also used several immigration measures both at the federal level and the provincial level in Quebec in order to facilitate the immigration of eligible Haitians to Canada and their subsequent reunification with their Canadian family members. This thesis explores these immigration measures and evaluates their effectiveness. In addition, the research examines the role that the large Haitian Diaspora in Canada played in bringing about the adoption of a set of immigration measures specifically for Haitians. The research shows that the Canadian measures implemented were both multi-dimensional – as a variety of immigration mechanisms were used, and multi-level – as the Canadian response included both federal and provincial initiatives in Quebec. While a number of measures were introduced federally, none of these measures could be considered “special” as they were all possible under Canada’s immigration legislation, and they were not unique to the post-earthquake context. In contrast, Quebec’s Humanitarian Sponsorship Program for Haitians was very “special” in that it was the first time such a program was implemented for a large group of people. The research also points to the fact that although using immigration mechanisms to respond to a humanitarian crisis has its benefits, these mechanisms are not designed to provide prompt protection and relief to individuals affected by crisis situations. The research also demonstrates that the use of the available complementary protection measures (humanitarian and compassionate considerations, moratorium and protected person status) did not make up the primary thrust of the Canadian immigration response to the earthquake in Haiti. This fact is indicative of the inadequacy of these measures in providing protection to individuals displaced by environmental factors. Finally, it is argued that although the existence of a large Haitian Diaspora was influential in creating a climate open to the adoption of special measures for Haitians, the Haitian Diaspora did not necessarily influence the specifics of the measures adopted to a significant degree.

The Canadian response following the Haitian earthquake of 2010 was not solely focused on providing humanitarian assistance. Canada also used several immigration measures both at the federal level and the provincial level in Quebec in order to facilitate the immigration of eligible Haitians to Canada and their subsequent reunification with their Canadian family members. This thesis explores these immigration measures and evaluates their effectiveness. In addition, the research examines the role that the large Haitian Diaspora in Canada played in bringing about the adoption of a set of immigration measures specifically for Haitians. The research shows that the Canadian measures implemented were both multi-dimensional – as a variety of immigration mechanisms were used, and multi-level – as the Canadian response included both federal and provincial initiatives in Quebec. While a number of measures were introduced federally, none of these measures could be considered “special” as they were all possible under Canada’s immigration legislation, and they were not unique to the post-earthquake context. In contrast, Quebec’s Humanitarian Sponsorship Program for Haitians was very “special” in that it was the first time such a program was implemented for a large group of people. The research also points to the fact that although using immigration mechanisms to respond to a humanitarian crisis has its benefits, these mechanisms are not designed to provide prompt protection and relief to individuals affected by crisis situations. The research also demonstrates that the use of the available complementary protection measures (humanitarian and compassionate considerations, moratorium and protected person status) did not make up the primary thrust of the Canadian immigration response to the earthquake in Haiti. This fact is indicative of the inadequacy of these measures in providing protection to individuals displaced by environmental factors. Finally, it is argued that although the existence of a large Haitian Diaspora was influential in creating a climate open to the adoption of special measures for Haitians, the Haitian Diaspora did not necessarily influence the specifics of the measures adopted to a significant degree.