This multiple case study explores the ways in which Latina/a immigrant children make sense of immigration by reading critical multicultural texts and blogging. As U.S. immigration policy shifts have created more punitive policies for immigrant adults, these changes place both documented and undocumented children in difficult situations. With many children born in the U.S. as citizens, these families are identified as "mixed-status" families because of the rights and privileges that immigrant children and parents are afforded or denied (Capps & Fortuny, 2006). What appears to be missing from the research around immigration status and children of immigrants is how literacy, in particular digital literacy or blogging can play a role in the understanding of immigration. Studies have illustrated that critical literacy discussions often help facilitate Latina/a immigrant youth's understandings of the multiple communities and larger social spaces and their identities. Moreover, blogging also gives students an opportunity to express themselves in a way which will make them feel comfortable, which is not always possible in a classroom setting (Bloch, 2011, p. 159). The questions guiding this study are: How does reading critical multicultural texts around immigration issues and discussions in computer-mediated discourse communities help children make meaning of a larger social issue like immigration? and (2) How do children use computer mediated discussions to deepen their understandings of literature? Three lines of inquiry guided the research: social constructivist learning theories (Gee, 2004; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Vygotsky, 1978), critical literacy theory (Lewison, Flint, & Van Sluys, 2002: Luke, 2012; Luke & Freebody, 2012), and transactional theory (Rosenblatt, 1978, 2005; Smagorinsky, 2001). Participants in the study were third grade Latina/a students. Data sources included students' blog posts, audio recordings of classroom discussions, student writing samples, field notes, and interviews. Constant comparative approach (Glaser & Strauss, 1965) was used to analyze the data. Findings demonstrate that discussions and blogging afforded students a space to deconstruct the complexities surrounding immigration and immigration policies. Students' gained a greater sense of agency when disrupting the status quo and taking action on such issues. The broader implications from this study highlight the need to use varied modalities and formats when working with culturally diverse students and critical multicultural texts.

In this chapter, we draw empirical and theoretical conclusions based on the various analyses contained in this volume that focus on the European and U.S. migration regimes. We conclude that immigration policies have a multitude of unintended effects which affect both migrants and governments in the countries of origin, transit, and arrival. This chapter begins with an overview of the interest policies inside and outside the ‘defended’ territories. In the U.S. a lucrative internal market of border control has emerged, whereas the EU’s externalized border control includes the neighboring countries. The second part describes the unintended effects arising due to inconsistent general policies of the countries of arrival and origin, which often contradict the official immigration policies. Following this, the limited effect of border control measures on immigrants and their journeys are discussed. In the fourth section we explore in more detail the unintended effects in the form of new areas of cooperation, including new forms of self-organization, local interest groups, and sanctuary movements. The final section summarizes the various unintended effects and offers recommendations for decision makers in the field of migration policy.

Both the interests of nation states to manage migration and the behavior of migrants during their individual journeys have mutually reinforcing effects on the design and functioning of contemporary migration regimes. This assumption has motivated the interdisciplinary approach of this volume. The aim is to understand how immigration policies affect migrants’ journeys and vice versa. We want to find out whether or not the assumptions that lead to the design of immigration policies reflect reality. Does border control prevent irregular immigration? And what is the role of the various actors, including the countries of origin, transit, and arrival, and the migrants themselves? In order to answer these questions, we bring together insights from political science and ethnographic field work—two disciplines which have so far debated their insights mainly within separate research frameworks. The articles take into account the interests of the migrants’ countries of origin, transit and arrival, as well as the motives and strategies of the migrants themselves. The resulting findings are relevant to both policy makers and scientific experts, but also to anyone interested in governing migration.

Before the crisis Catalonia and the rest of Spain received high volumes of immigration - of which much was 'illegal'. This was despite formally strict controls - EU policy - and different governments in Madrid claiming to operate a legal model of migration - leading to identification of a 'policy paradox'. In the same period immigration became problematized, which in Catalonia allowed xenophobic politics to gain popular support - despite being a territory proactive at integrating newcomers. This research aimed to identify the undercurrents of these contradictions and respond to questions on the relative impact of business, state, national and electoral factors. It surveys literature on migration paradoxes and theories, develops an original conceptual framework by critically assessing a range of radical writing, performs quantitative and secondary study of the Catalan, Spanish and European economic and policy contexts (in general and regarding immigration), and analyses findings from interviews with privileged 'insiders' and observers (employers, union leaders, migrant activists and policy advisors). Policy contradictions and the problematization of immigration were identified as rooted firstly in the inherent contradictions of the capitalist state. States must ensure availability of new reserves of labour to guarantee accumulation and make savings by not having to 'socially reproduce' 'imported' labour power. Yet their abstract national and bounded character propels constant nationcraft - a process best performed invisibly and negatively by symbolically and practically excluding migrants from territory, rights and citizenship. Dynamics are further driven by the desire to be seen to preserve the 'rule of law' and guarantee the exclusivity of national 'social contracts'. Nation-building in policymaking was detected by uncovering the national-linguistic considerations behind the controversial drive to devolve immigration powers to Catalonia. Mushrooming irregularity was a result of migrant agency and the restrictive tendencies of the Aznar administration and EU. Despite the Popular Party (and EU) being notably pro-business, tensions emerged with employers who lobbied alongside unions to bring about the liberalisations introduced by the Zapatero government (2004-2011). Employers benefit from the (continued) institutional conditioning of migrant labour and irregular hiring has been tolerated - aided by a relatively informal and insecure labour market. Yet it is a mistake to see high levels irregularity simply as labour policy. The unequal and instrumental nature of European integration meant the Spanish State played a border policing role that threatened its labour needs before the crisis. This led to political 'fudge' based on varying models of irregularity-amnesty-irregularity, and reinforced pro-European and Hispanist migrant recruitment tendencies. Changes in government have reshaped policymaking (and increased or decreased related tensions) but less-democratic influences were identified in interviews and a clear political economy of immigration can be identified.

O respectivo trabalho tem como objetivo destacar o desenvolvimento das políticas imigratórias e a sua repercussão no cotidiano do imigrante, entre os anos de 1930 e 1945. Nesse período, salientamos as políticas de Estado e suas respectivas mudanças, alinhadas ao contexto histórico, no tocante a seleção dos imigrantes desejáveis e indesejáveis. A evolução do aparelhamento estatal, com a criação e adaptação de instituições repressivas, jurídicas e burocráticas, é ponto fundamental para compreender a relação do Estado com o imigrante. Além disso, vale destacar que a imagem do estrangeiro como um problema de segurança nacional era constantemente reforçada pela retórica oficial do Estado. Assim, a própria sofisticação das estruturas organizacionais confluíam para certo afastamento das instituições do poder central, resultando em maior autonomia nas decisões e conseqüente descenso no rigor do julgamento sobre os imigrantes. Dessa forma, se faz necessária uma análise crítica sobre o contexto histórico, captando o sistema estatal como algo heterogêneo, a fim de compreender as nuanças nas políticas e ações do Estado, bem como o papel do imigrante nesse processo. / This work aims to highlight the development of immigration policies and their consequences for the immigrant in Brazil between 1930 and 1945. During this period, we stress state policies and their changes, aligned to the historical context regarding the selection of desirable and undesirable immigrants. The evolution of state rigging, with the creation and adaptation of repressive legal and bureaucratic institutions, is important to understanding the relationship that the state had with the immigrant. Furthermore, it is worth noting that the image of the foreigner as a problem of national security were constantly reinforced by official state rhetoric, the very organizational structures coalesced to certain detachment of the institutions of central government, resulting in greater autonomy in decisions and consequent decline the accuracy of judgments about immigrants. Thus it is necessary that a critical analysis of the historical context, capturing the state system as something heterogeneous in order to understand the nuances in the policies and actions of the state as well as the role of the immigrant in this process.

O respectivo trabalho tem como objetivo destacar o desenvolvimento das políticas imigratórias e a sua repercussão no cotidiano do imigrante, entre os anos de 1930 e 1945. Nesse período, salientamos as políticas de Estado e suas respectivas mudanças, alinhadas ao contexto histórico, no tocante a seleção dos imigrantes desejáveis e indesejáveis. A evolução do aparelhamento estatal, com a criação e adaptação de instituições repressivas, jurídicas e burocráticas, é ponto fundamental para compreender a relação do Estado com o imigrante. Além disso, vale destacar que a imagem do estrangeiro como um problema de segurança nacional era constantemente reforçada pela retórica oficial do Estado. Assim, a própria sofisticação das estruturas organizacionais confluíam para certo afastamento das instituições do poder central, resultando em maior autonomia nas decisões e conseqüente descenso no rigor do julgamento sobre os imigrantes. Dessa forma, se faz necessária uma análise crítica sobre o contexto histórico, captando o sistema estatal como algo heterogêneo, a fim de compreender as nuanças nas políticas e ações do Estado, bem como o papel do imigrante nesse processo. / This work aims to highlight the development of immigration policies and their consequences for the immigrant in Brazil between 1930 and 1945. During this period, we stress state policies and their changes, aligned to the historical context regarding the selection of desirable and undesirable immigrants. The evolution of state rigging, with the creation and adaptation of repressive legal and bureaucratic institutions, is important to understanding the relationship that the state had with the immigrant. Furthermore, it is worth noting that the image of the foreigner as a problem of national security were constantly reinforced by official state rhetoric, the very organizational structures coalesced to certain detachment of the institutions of central government, resulting in greater autonomy in decisions and consequent decline the accuracy of judgments about immigrants. Thus it is necessary that a critical analysis of the historical context, capturing the state system as something heterogeneous in order to understand the nuances in the policies and actions of the state as well as the role of the immigrant in this process.

After being expelled from Bhutan in the 1980s and 1990s, more than 100,000 Bhutanese refugees were forced to reside in refugee camps in Nepal. Twenty years later, in 2006, a global resettlement programme was initiated to relocate them in eight different nations: the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Norway, Denmark, The Netherlands, and the UK. Since 2010, about 350 Bhutanese refugees have been resettled in Greater Manchester through the Gateway Protection Programme. This thesis is based on 14 months of ethnographic research with members of this community. This thesis analyses the complex relationship between forced migrants, social networks, and ruling, organisational entities, which facilitate refugee resettlement. This qualitative study looks at the structure, role and everyday utility of social networks amongst a small refugee community, and emphasizes that the creation of similarity and difference is an inherent part of community development. The research calls into question the assumptions of UK policy makers, service providers and academics alike, which hold that refugees are removed from their ‘original’ cultures through forced displacement, and thereafter strive to return to a state of ‘normalcy’ or ‘originality’, re-creating and re-inventing singular ‘traditions’, identities and communities. In response to these assumptions, policy makers and service providers in refugee camps and in the UK adopt a Community Development Approach (CDA). However, I argue that there is no fixed and bounded community amongst Bhutanese refugees, but that they actively reshape and adapt their interpretations, meanings and actions through their experiences of forced migration, and thus create novel communities out of old and new social networks. In the process, I juxtapose my informants’ emic understandings of community as samaj, with bureaucratized refugee community organisations (RCOs). This research shows that rather than a creating singular, formalized RCO to serve the ‘good of all’, the Bhutanese refugee community in Manchester is rife with divisions based on personal animosities and events stretching back to the refugee camps in Nepal. I conclude that RCOs may not be equipped to effectively deal with the divisive issues that arise due to refugee resettlement. The thesis is situated at the centre of anthropological investigations of forced migration, community, and policy, and uses interdisciplinary sources (such as policy documents, historical accounts) to highlight the complexities of forced migration and refugee resettlement. This critical research is also a response to the call to make qualitative, ethnographic research more relevant for policy makers and service provision, which is all the more important in this ‘century of the refugee’.

Progress Village in Tampa Florida was developed in the late 1950s in response to the dislocation of black families during the construction of Interstate-4. Furthermore this community became an opportunity for many black and more specifically, African American families, to live in a community devoid of racist attitudes and tensions rampant in inner city Tampa at the time. For over thirty years this community’s residential population was overwhelmingly (90 percent) black or African American. In the 1990s though this community would begin to experience the first wave of Latino residents and by 2000 this group would comprise over 2 percent of the population. Moreover by 2010 this community’s Latino population would soar to over 14 percent of the total population. This project is a case study of Latino migration into a small historically Black residential community. This work examines a plethora of sources ranging from newspaper articles (New York Times, Sun Sentinel, Progress Village Pioneer, etc.), scholarly articles, government data (U.S. Census), and primary research in the form of survey data and interviews from current Latino residents. All these sources are incorporated to argue that evolving federal immigration policies, shifting migration patterns, and economic factors (affordable housing and employment) all played a vital role in this recent and ongoing influx. This research adds to the existing scholarship of Latino migration in the U.S. by demonstrating how small predominantly African American communities like Progress Village are diversified by all these factors.

Significant criminological attention has been given to the relationship between immigration and crime. However, this relationship has not been researched in the UK to any great extent, and consequently the information on the UK context is limited. This research investigates how the criminality of foreign nationals have been constructed by examining the nature of immigration policy, foreign criminality discourses, and the media in the UK to understand how crime in particular has been used to define, refine, and inform control of immigrants. This study refers to the legislative, policy, and political factors that underpin this process, and particularly explains how immigration policy and political debates have emphasised the criminality of foreign nationals in the UK. In order to achieve these goals, this research reviews a brief history of British immigration policy and legislation and outlines the connections made between foreign nationals and non-immigration criminal offences. In addition, secondary data from different British institutions and data collected via the Freedom of Information Act 2000 have been used to illustrate the level of foreigners’ criminality as well as the type of crimes compared to the British representation. Finally, Parliamentary debates and related political discourses have been used to examine the role of politics has in reinforcing the relationship between foreign nationals and crime and elevating negative public sentiment and the relationship with media reports. This research highlights the limitations of existing data relating to the criminality of foreign nationals in offending records in England and Wales, partly due to the disorganised recording of offender nationality. This study reveals that nationality is the new racism; whilst immigration has become a central focus in political and public discourses on crime they as a group in statistical terms exhibit low levels of offending but are more likely to be imprisoned for less serious crimes. The relationship between foreign nationals and crimes is thus a political issue rather than a legal one. As such, foreign nationals supposed criminality has been used to control immigration, avoid the blame of failing policies, gain electoral votes, and facilitate changes in immigration and crime policies.

Une étude de 1991 du CIEMI vise à expliquer la question portant sur la représentation à la télévision la diversité multiculturelle en France. Qui désigne-t-elle ? La population dont l’origine ethnique est visible physiquement et par extension, les minorités vivant sur le sol français. La question de leur sous-représentation à la télévision, suscite autant de polémiques que de réactions véhémentes dans la sphère politique et publique. Les mots visible/visibilité font surface et interpellent en égale mesure les responsables politiques, médiatiques, sociologiques et associatifs. Or, c’est en cela que notre problématique nous a paru intéressante à aborder, car elle porte un regard édifiant sur le rôle et l’importance des médias dans leur représentation pour la période comprise entre 1975 à 2015. Approfondir les conditions de cette pâle représentation à l’écran, les questionnements soulevés, les actions et les solutions proposées par les divers acteurs, les effets sur l’opinion publique, ce sont autant de thématiques fondamentales qui se sont imposées à nous comme une évidence. Loin d’être exhaustive, notre recherche vise donc à relever les aboutissants de cette problématique devenue une priorité figurant à l’ordre du jour de l’agenda des politiques. / A study of 1991 of the CIEMI aims at explaining the question concerning the representation on the television the multicultural diversity in France. Who does it indicate ? The population the ethnic origin of which is visible physically and by extension, minorities living on the French ground. The question of their sub-representation on the television, arouses so many debates as violent reactions in the political and public sphere. The words visible/visibilité make surface and call out in equal measure the political, media, sociological and associative persons in charge. Yet, this is why our problem seemed to us interesting to approach, because it carries a look building on the role and the importance of the media in their representation for period between 1975 in 2015. Deepen the conditions of this weak representation in the screen, the raised questionings, the shares and the solutions proposed by the diverse actors, the effects on the public opinion, it is so many fundamental themes which were imperative upon us as an obvious fact. Far from being exhaustive, our research thus aims at raising the outcomes of this problem become a priority appearing in the agenda of the diary of the politics.