The primary purpose of this thesis is to analyse the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, the LO’s, mediated rhetoric, arguments and social and institutional practices in the process of forming the LO’s policy regarding the introduction, incorporation and participation of immigrants in Swedish society in general, the workplace and the trade union movement in the period 1945–1981. The theoretical purpose is to explore how power relations of superiority and subordination based primarily on the categories of class, ethnicity and nation, but also on gender and to some extent generation, have been formed through ideological processes of inclusion and boundary drawing in rhetorical speeches, texts and institutional practices within the framework of an explicit class-based community as the LO constituted. The results demonstrate that the LO had an ambivalent attitude towards labour immigration in an expanding post-war Swedish economy. On the one hand the trade unions accepted that industrial growth and general welfare reforms were dependent on the labour supply. On the other hand, the LO feared that uncontrolled labour immigration would be a disadvantage for indigenous workers, since wages could be kept low and obsolete industrial sectors could be maintained and the “solidarity wage policy” could be endangered because of the influx of migrant labour. Organising the immigrants was a central part of the union movement’s strategy, and the LO also insisted from the very beginning on equal wages and employment conditions between indigenous and immigrant workers to avoid wage pressures. During the second half of the 1960s and the 1970s, the LO repeatedly argued that the scale of immigration should be weighted against factors such as access to work, housing, social services, education and language teahcing. One major argument in the thesis is that within the LO, immigration policy measures were perceived to be a functional “adaptation” of immigrants to the already defined institutions, norms and national culture of the Swedish majority society. Accordingly, the immigrants were expected to adapt themselves to the “normal” Swedish and social democratic way of doing things in a rational and organised manner. During the 1970s, Swedish language training and company introduction with union attendance, translated information bulletins about the Swedish labour market and society, union courses and study circles could be seen as central means in a process of socialisation and “normalisation”. These policy measures were dimensions of a social democratic ideological identity project within the trade union movement, which was constructed as a symbol of the given national order and “the Swedish way of doing things”. The results also demonstrate how class, ethnicity, nation and gender have worked as structuring principles of power and status within the LO.

This dissertation investigates the labour migration from Southern Europe to Sweden, and the changes in Swedish immigration policy between 1960 and 1972. The first part of the dissertation examines the role of the state in shaping the migration streams from Southern Europe to Sweden. From the beginning of the 1950s to 1966, Sweden’s borders were relatively open, and this facilitated a significant amount of immigration. A system of unregulated individual labour migration developed, where foreign citizens could enter Sweden as tourists and thereafter look for work and obtain a work permit. For a significant period of time there doesn’t seem to have been any strong opposition to this laissez-faire system. This all changed during the 1960s, however, when the liberal immigration regulations were called into question. An important factor was that immigration increased dramatically in the mid-1960s. In addition, the national composition of the migration streams to Sweden changed during these years. Immigration from Yugoslavia, Greece and also from Turkey increased, while the number of immigrants from the Nordic countries diminished. In connection with the changing immigration pattern, certain actors, such as the trade unions and Sweden’s central employment authority, AMS, called for more restrictive immigration regulations. Demands from the trade unions and AMS led to a more stringent immigration control in 1966, and again in 1967, when a new Swedish immigration policy was introduced. Swedish research into changes in immigration policy during the 1960s often emphasizes the considerable influence of the trade unions on the policy shift. An argument put forward in this dissertation is that the intensification of immigration control not only reflected the demands of the trade unions, but that significant demands also came from within the state apparatus, and particularly from AMS. AMS was a relatively autonomous actor when the immigration regulations changed in 1966-1967, and its demands and knowledge regarding the influx of migrant labour made a significant contribution to the formation of the new immigration policy. The second part of the dissertation investigates how industrial companies have shaped the migration streams from Southern Europe to Sweden. Immigrants from Yugoslavia and Greece were often recruited in order to perform the heavy and subordinate work in the manufacturing industries that native workers had either avoided or left at that particular time. The dissertation attempts to explain this concentration of Southern Europeans in subordinate positions in the manufacturing industries. During the 1960s, Yugoslavs became the largest non-Nordic group in the migration streams to Sweden. How did Sweden become connected with this emigration country situated in the Mediterranean? A conclusion is that, to a great extent, the requirements and actions of industrial companies shaped the national composition of the migration streams to Sweden.

Anti-trafficking discourses in Canada feature prominently in policy discussions of prostitution and sex work as well as national security and border integrity, including discussions of migration, migrant smuggling, refuge, and asylum. Yet, representations of trafficked persons have gone largely unquestioned in the country and anti-trafficking policies have garnered broad acceptance without detailed consideration of how such representations affect the rights and experiences of trafficked persons. In this context, anti-trafficking discourses are relied upon to justify a variety of conflicting political agendas. By placing existing discourses of human trafficking under scrutiny, including representations of trafficked persons from the perspective of frontline workers, government officials, law enforcement, and trafficked persons themselves in Western Canada, this study examines the politicized construction of trafficking discourses and thereby identifies how some anti-trafficking measures claiming to liberate “victims of trafficking” contribute to the insecurities faced by trafficked persons. Further, by examining recent immigration policy amendments alongside anti-trafficking discourses, this study considers the role of anti-trafficking discourses in shaping contemporary boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. In particular, the study highlights the insecurity trafficked persons experience as a result of measures emphasizing criminalization and deportation as well as the effect of criminalization for temporary migrant workers, particularly migrant workers experiencing exploitation in a context of socio-economic constraint.

Canada's immigration policy is based on the notion that increased levels of immigration will bring economic prosperity to the nation and its citizens. However, some immigrants and refugees face a number of challenges in finding adequate employment which has contributed to their living in low socio-economic conditions. Using a document analysis, I investigated the structural and historical contexts and the accountability mechanisms of Canada’s immigration policy under the lens of critical political studies theory and critical race theory to gain some insight as to what some of the dynamics are which could account for the discrepancy between the expected economic outcomes and the actual experiences of new Canadians. I learned that the policy is driven by hegemonic economic forces. From this perspective, I have concluded that immigration is a policy tool used to support the nation’s economic policy resulting in settlement and integration practices favouring the industry that immigration has created rather than the interests and needs of immigrants.

Canada's immigration policy is based on the notion that increased levels of immigration will bring economic prosperity to the nation and its citizens. However, some immigrants and refugees face a number of challenges in finding adequate employment which has contributed to their living in low socio-economic conditions. Using a document analysis, I investigated the structural and historical contexts and the accountability mechanisms of Canada’s immigration policy under the lens of critical political studies theory and critical race theory to gain some insight as to what some of the dynamics are which could account for the discrepancy between the expected economic outcomes and the actual experiences of new Canadians. I learned that the policy is driven by hegemonic economic forces. From this perspective, I have concluded that immigration is a policy tool used to support the nation’s economic policy resulting in settlement and integration practices favouring the industry that immigration has created rather than the interests and needs of immigrants.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-10-08T14:47:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JONES, CLEITON MELO. DISSERTAÇÃO..pdf: 3955978 bytes, checksum: 75bf536580456da208b3cde1b7c6d700 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-01-25T12:58:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 JONES, CLEITON MELO. DISSERTAÇÃO..pdf: 3955978 bytes, checksum: 75bf536580456da208b3cde1b7c6d700 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-25T12:58:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JONES, CLEITON MELO. DISSERTAÇÃO..pdf: 3955978 bytes, checksum: 75bf536580456da208b3cde1b7c6d700 (MD5) / CAPES / Apesar de ter sido pioneira no processo de criação de colônias estrangeiras no Brasil do Oitocentos, à Bahia coube o estigma da não colonização e da falta de uma corrente imigratória significativa, se comparada a outras regiões como São Paulo e em relação às expectativas que as elites políticas baianas dela faziam. No entanto muitos foram os discursos e projetos políticos baianos e brasileiros que tiveram a implementação de uma corrente imigratória para a Bahia como objetivo. Nesta dissertação, procura-se compreender esse processo, com foco na palavra oficial e em suas experiências de efetivação ao longo de quase um século. Entre os anos de 1816 e 1900 foram inúmeras as tentativas de implantação de núcleos coloniais com estrangeiros no território baiano apontando, de um lado, para a existência de discursos e projetos favoráveis à imigração e colonização estrangeira e, de outro, para sua efetivação nem sempre premiada pelo sucesso. Despite Bahia having been a pioneer in the creation process of foreign colonies in the nineteenth century Brazil, it fit the stigma of non- colonization and the absence of a significant immigration stream, compared to other regions like São Paulo and the expectations of the Bahian elites policies. However, some Bahian and Brazilian discourses and political projects had the objective of implementing an immigration current for Bahia. This dissertation tries to understand this process with focus on official word and experiences of effective immigration for nearly a century. Between the years 1816 and 1900 were numerous experiences of creating colonies with foreign in Bahia. These attempts indicate the existence of discourses and political projects pro-immigration and foreign colonization and its implementation not always successful.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-12T17:16:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivo3487_1.pdf: 1817342 bytes, checksum: 1faa3d30f1582bb331b81dbfc2ea3cc6 (MD5) license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Maia de Faria, Bruna; Barrantes Hidalgo, Álvaro. Migração internacional de trabalho qualificado e o fenômeno do brain drain no Brasil. 2008. Dissertação (Mestrado). Programa de Pós-Graduação em Economia, Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Recife, 2008.

The thesis reviews and provides comparison of immigration policies of Germany, Italy and the Netherlands from post-WW2 years to the late 1990s. With regards to the different historical, cultural and social background of each country the dissertation thesis defines the unique approach to immigration and perception of immigrants in each country. The ultimate aim of the thesis is to explain the circumstances that lead to the specific events in the history of immigration policies of the countries in question and bring comprehension in this often overlooked matter.

The main goal of this final thesis is the analysis of the immigrant's position on the labor market in the Czech Republic and in Germany. For this purpose the thesis makes a research of particular factors and barriers which immigrants have to deal with on the labor market and define their direct effects. Furthermore, the thesis focuses on the integration policy of both countries. Based on performed analysis in the field of immigration and integration the author of the thesis makes a comparison of the attitudes of both countries towards the immigrants with the aim to set up fitting measures for improvement of the immigrant's situation on the Czech labor market. The thesis is divided into theoretical and analytical part. The theoretical part is focused on theoretical solutions in the field of migration, migration policy, integration and discrimination. In analytical part, there is carry out a proper analysis according to the set goals.

The thesis analyses the immigration policy of the Czech Republic through the prism of Europeanization theories. The first chapter provides a theoretical platform for the subsequent analysis. It deals with the concept of Europeanization and its possible interpretations. Special attention is given to the so-called downloading and to the specific features of this process in the states of Central and Eastern Europe. The second chapter offers an outline of the development of immigration policy in the European Union from the 1980s, when the first common measures in this area were taken, to the present day. The third chapter concentrates in a similar way on the immigration policy of the Czech Republic as it has been developing since the 1990s, when immigration started to appear as a new phenomenon in the country. The last chapter gives an analysis of the Czech immigration policy as compared with analogous trends in Europe. Coming out of the theoretical concepts stated in the first chapter it assesses the processes of Europeanization in this field.