Abstract For All My Relations is a narrative representation of an autobiographical narrative inquiry into my experiences as an Aboriginal graduate student negotiating the complexities of learning about, and engaging in, Indigenous research. The research puzzle centers on my wonders about the responsibilities of an Aboriginal graduate student choosing to engage in research with Aboriginal peoples in ethically responsible ways. The field texts for the inquiry are my writings over two years: final papers, response journals, assignments, and life writings. Using a narrative inquiry methodology, I identify tensions and bumping points in coming to understand Indigenous research, and in doing so, I have come to a deeper understanding of the impact of these moments on my identity as researcher in the making and on my sense of belonging. I also attend to the social and institutional narratives about Aboriginal people in which my storied experiences are nested. Issues of ethical obligations, relationship, and responsibility are central in my inquiry, and speak to the complexities of wrestling with the questions of researchers right to tell and viewing people through a lens. The findings of my inquiry add to the emerging literature of Indigenous research and narrative inquiry, and their connections. The findings also present insights into the experiences of an Aboriginal graduate, and the notion of identity and belonging. Most importantly, this narrative inquiry enabled me to work through my lived tensions, discomforts, and unease, and to restory my experiences; this process allowed me to grow more confident in my ability to continue to engage in Indigenous research in ethically and relationally responsible ways. My inquiry begins with my experiences of not belonging and feeling less than, and concludes, in the midst, with a counterstory to tell. Counterstories are saving stories for me and for all my relations, past, present, and future. / Indigenous Peoples Education

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Cultural Safety is an educational framework and pedagogy developed by Maori nursing scholar, Dr. Irihapeti Ramsden (2002). Through this research, I explored the application of Cultural Safety to the Greater Victoria School District’s Aboriginal Education Enhancement Agreement. My research question is: What are the key elements that would be included in the development of a Cultural Safety Agreement for the Greater Victoria School District? This research is grounded in decolonizing, Indigenous and action research methods. Theoretically, it employs critical and decolonizing perspectives to critique the appropriateness of public education curriculum and teaching practices for Indigenous students. This study utilized a qualitative research method called Action Research and used an existing community council, the Aboriginal Education Council of Greater Victoria (AEC) as a focus group. Data was collected from the focus groups and enhanced through an individual interview with the coordinator of Aboriginal Education in the Greater Victoria School District (GVSD). An outcome of this research is a draft framework for cultural safety in the school district. The framework has now become the property of the Aboriginal Education Council of the Greater Victoria School District. / Graduate

This research endeavour with Moose Cree First Nation provides insights into how emerging Indigenous methodologies are fundamentally grounded in an Indigenous epistemology that, for the purpose of this project, was found to be integral to youth and community wellbeing. More specifically, this project highlights an Indigenous perspective of health and wellbeing, milo pimatisiwin, that yields individual, collective and relational strengths with its focus on reconnecting youth to the land. This thesis offers methodological contributions in an effort to discuss research with Indigenous peoples beyond the participatory paradigm; it also develops on coming to know through the “visiting way” and elaborates further on Indigenous methods such as learning by doing concepts and conversational method. Discussing approaches of coloniality and settler-colonialism highlighted territoriality and land dispute issues, but most importantly here, these approaches established how the land is at the very core of the Omushkego people’s epistemology. Two land-based initiatives with Moose Cree First Nation were examined in this study. The initiatives provide insights into Indigenous resurgence as they relate to the land, to spirit, and to life stage teachings. The community experiences suggest how vital it is to center Indigenous knowledge in research and land-based initiatives for youth wellbeing as they contribute to developing, integrating and applying Indigenous methodologies, given this process is inter-related to fostering milo pimatisiwin. The Omushkegowuk people’s conceptions of health and wellbeing challenges colonial ideas and actions, and just as important, it allows for the production of knowledge within the context of Indigenous methods, experiences and wisdom.

Knowing our stories as Indigenous peoples is a powerful means of remembering and resurgence. My research used an Indigenous storytelling methodology to gather stories from my Grandmother about her life and our family. The purpose of this work was to learn more about my family stories and history as an Anishinaabe person, to honour my Grandmother by sharing part of her life story and to offer an example of Indigenous family-based research to other researchers. In contrast to strategies that focus on political mobilization, legal gains or state recognition, family-based research sees collective transformation as beginning with small-scale change, remembering and reconnection. Social work must expand its understanding of Indigenous resistance and resurgence to incorporate strategies that embrace w/holistic knowledges and encourage introspective and family-based questions in research. / Graduate / 0452 / 0740 / jlking@uvic.ca

Mainstream institutions have, historically, dismissed Indigenous worldviews, knowledges, and research approaches (Bowman-Farrell, 2015; Harrington & Pavel, 2013). However, in recent years, a literature has emerged articulating Indigenous research methodologies (IRMs), and their distinctiveness from Western, Eurocentric perspectives on inquiry (Denzin, Lincoln, & Smith, 2008; Kovach, 2009; Smith, 1999 & 2012; Wilson, 2008). This has coincided with increased need for IRM scholars and practitioners to secure extramural funds to support their activities. But questions remain as to how the U.S. federal grant making enterprise has accommodated Indigenous frameworks. This research explores synergies in the ways that grantees, grant makers, and other related stakeholders understand and navigate the federal funding enterprise in science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and health (STEM-H) fields; and the impact of how, and to what extent, this space is successfully navigated. To align with Indigenous worldviews, I use triple theoretical lenses of Tribal Critical Race Theory (Brayboy, 2005), Storytelling, and Interstitial Spaces (Cram & Philips, 2011), and an indigenized case study design. Eleven participants from Tribal Colleges and Universities and tribal communities, federal funding agencies, and consulting firms participated in unstructured interviews to tell their views about Indigenous approaches in the federal funding environment. Coupled with document review, the analysis showed that perceptions of risk, evidence, and expertise were sources of tension, although there were also areas of real and lasting success. I suggest that despite policies to diversify STEM-H grant making, Indigenous perspectives have largely been excluded from these discourses. This may have the effect of compromising the integrity of the validity construct as used in the dominant research methodology literature. I offer a model, called Fifth Paradigm Grantsmanship, as one means to usher transformative change in grant making.

Community sport organizations (CSO) are the most predominant type of nonprofit and voluntary organization in Canada (Gumulka, Barr, Lasby, & Brown-lee, 2005), and, it is vital that researchers recognize the critical, and often contradictory, social roles that these organizations are expected to perform. Community sport is both lauded as a progressive force of individual and community development (Sport for Development and Peace, International Working Group [SDP IWG], 2006) and criticized for reproducing race and class-based stereotypes that marginalize Aboriginal peoples (Canadian Heritage, 2005). Added to these challenges is the fact that sport leaders are expected to negotiate conflicting interests and unequal power relations (see Forester, 1989) while relying on a very limited body of research in which to guide their work in designing, delivering and facilitating culturally relevant sport programs for Aboriginal youth (see Forsyth, Heine & Halas, 2007; Maskawachees Declaration, 2000). Positioned within a transdisciplinary theoretical framework and guided by principles of indigenous research (Schnarch, 2004; Wilson, 2008), I conducted a multi-layered community-based study with sport leaders and youth participants at the Winnipeg Aboriginal Sport Achievement Center (WASAC), a successful urban Aboriginal sport organization in Manitoba, Canada. Building on similar research in the area of culturally relevant physical activity and education (e.g., Carpenter, 2009; Forsyth et al., 2007), the purpose of my research was to examine the politics and praxis of culturally relevant sport education (CRSE) – specifically, program planning and leadership practices - as an alternative to deficit-based and culturally inappropriate sport programs for urban Aboriginal youth. Findings reveal that WASAC leaders utilize a complex set of explicit and tacit cultural teachings rooted within a context- and relationship-based approach to program planning and facilitation. Findings also indicate that culturally relevant sport leadership practices are strongly related to the personal, experiential and cultural background and knowledge of sport leaders. The study concludes by suggesting that sport leaders who understand the cultural landscape of urban Aboriginal youth and utilize critical self-reflexive practices are more likely to recognize and build upon the resilience of urban Aboriginal youth while proactively responding to the complex challenges that shape the lives of youth.

Colonization has had a detrimental impact on Indigenous peoples and communities. Colonization has and continues to remove Indigenous peoples from full participation in Canadian society, which has forced some Indigenous men to search out other avenues in order to gain power, respect, and economic capital to survive. It is the direct result of colonial-shaped socio-political histories and ideologies that have led to the creation and proliferation of urban Indigenous street gangs. This dissertation examines 16 Indigenous male ex-gang members and their perceptions of masculinity, identity, and how this is supported through their involvement within a street gang. Relational accountability was the methodology utilized to engage and support the men through the course of the research process. It was from the focal point of relational accountability that photovoice methods could be modified to accommodate the lived realities of the men during the time of the study. Overall, fifteen individuals participated in the study, with nine engaging in photovoice methods to document and explain how they understood and practiced masculinity. The nine men, who completed photovoice, had their photographs and narratives brought together to create Brighter Days Ahead, to give back to the organization STR8 UP and help inform the broader community about the multiple issues that Indigenous youth face in the Canadian Prairies. The role of masculinity was integral for the men’s inclusion into street gangs. Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity and Bourdieu’s concept of habitus helped to create a framework to understand why some Indigenous men see street gangs as a viable option to practice masculinity. By examining the men’s histories, with a focus on their relationships’ with parents, siblings, family, peers, and social institutions, a more robust understanding the linkages to street gang involvement is created. The street gang epitomized the ideal “man”— tough, independent, emotion-less, and powerful, as it were these individual’s whom they would target for their recruitment. Analysis of the men’s narratives and photographs revealed how violence and trauma impacted their notions of maleness. It was through violent and traumatic experiences that the men would create a “mask” that they would wear to help them engage in hyper-violent behaviours within multiple fields and protect them from further victimization. This study directs our attention to focus future research on: 1) the impacts of colonization as both a historical and contemporary factor in the lives of Indigenous peoples; 2) the importance of relational accountability within the research process; 3) the potential of photovoice methods in expanding street gangs research; and 4) the need for gang prevention and intervention programming to focus on the concept of masculinity in order to deter gang involvement amongst Indigenous males and build healthier stronger communities.

Community sport organizations (CSO) are the most predominant type of nonprofit and voluntary organization in Canada (Gumulka, Barr, Lasby, & Brown-lee, 2005), and, it is vital that researchers recognize the critical, and often contradictory, social roles that these organizations are expected to perform. Community sport is both lauded as a progressive force of individual and community development (Sport for Development and Peace, International Working Group [SDP IWG], 2006) and criticized for reproducing race and class-based stereotypes that marginalize Aboriginal peoples (Canadian Heritage, 2005). Added to these challenges is the fact that sport leaders are expected to negotiate conflicting interests and unequal power relations (see Forester, 1989) while relying on a very limited body of research in which to guide their work in designing, delivering and facilitating culturally relevant sport programs for Aboriginal youth (see Forsyth, Heine & Halas, 2007; Maskawachees Declaration, 2000). Positioned within a transdisciplinary theoretical framework and guided by principles of indigenous research (Schnarch, 2004; Wilson, 2008), I conducted a multi-layered community-based study with sport leaders and youth participants at the Winnipeg Aboriginal Sport Achievement Center (WASAC), a successful urban Aboriginal sport organization in Manitoba, Canada. Building on similar research in the area of culturally relevant physical activity and education (e.g., Carpenter, 2009; Forsyth et al., 2007), the purpose of my research was to examine the politics and praxis of culturally relevant sport education (CRSE) – specifically, program planning and leadership practices - as an alternative to deficit-based and culturally inappropriate sport programs for urban Aboriginal youth. Findings reveal that WASAC leaders utilize a complex set of explicit and tacit cultural teachings rooted within a context- and relationship-based approach to program planning and facilitation. Findings also indicate that culturally relevant sport leadership practices are strongly related to the personal, experiential and cultural background and knowledge of sport leaders. The study concludes by suggesting that sport leaders who understand the cultural landscape of urban Aboriginal youth and utilize critical self-reflexive practices are more likely to recognize and build upon the resilience of urban Aboriginal youth while proactively responding to the complex challenges that shape the lives of youth.