This thesis investigates the history and phenomenon of legal pluralism in Indonesia. The need to explore this topic has been urged by the revival there of Islamic law and adat law, the two greatest non-state normative orderings, in the last two decades. At the same time the ideal of modernity in Indonesia has been characterized by a state-driven effort in the post-colonial era to make the institution of law an inseparable part of national development. The result has been a conception of law as a homogenous system in which the ideology of legal positivism represents the basic tool for lawmaking. This, however, has led to an impasse, seeing that pluralism and multiculturalism are in fact self-evident phenomena in the society. The state has been obliged, therefore, to accommodate these non-state normative orderings. / The discussion of Indonesian legal pluralism in this thesis focuses on understanding the state's attitude and behavior towards the three largest legal traditions currently operative in the society, i.e., adat law, Islamic law and civil law. Socio-political factors are shown to have much influenced the relations between state and non-state laws. The state's strategy of accommodation of legal pluralism has in fact largely depended on the extent to which those legal traditions have been able to conform to national ideology. Certain "national legal postulates" have functioned as a yardstick by which the country's legislative and judicial institutions have measured the extent of their accommodation of legal pluralism, although they have had little choice but to do so. / Influenced by Masaji Chiba's theory of "three levels of law" (i.e., official law, unofficial law and legal postulates), this thesis analyzes two aspects of legal pluralism in Indonesia: the political and "conflictual" domains of legal pluralism. The analysis is thus generally based on the state policy of legal pluralism reflected in the legal and political strategies confronting the issue of unofficial laws as well as the conflicts arising from such situations. The first aspect is addressed by looking at a number of statutes and regulations promulgated specifically to deal with Islamic law and adat law, while the second is analyzed in terms of actual cases of private interpersonal law arising from conflict between state and non-state legal traditions, as reflected in legislation and court decisions. From a discussion of these two aspects, the thesis concludes that, although the form of the relations between official and unofficial laws may have changed in conjunction with the socio-political situation of the country, the logic behind legal pluralism has in fact never altered, i.e., to use law as a tool of state modernism. Thus conflicts arising from the encounter between different legal traditions will usually be resolved by means of "national legal postulates," making the unofficial laws more susceptible to the state's domination of legal interpretation and resolution.

Cette thèse se propose de décrire l'évolution de l'Islam indonésien et le rôle complexe qu'ont joue les ulama dans l'histoire moderne de l'Indonésie, et plus particulierement pendant la période de l'occupation japonaise.

Theoretical work on civil military relations has traditionally emphasised the separation of the military from the civilian spheres as the best means of insulating against military intervention. Rebecca Schiff's concordance model challenges this basic assumption by arguing that intervention can be prevented by the presence of agreement amongst the military, the political leadership and the citizenry, on four specific indicators; the social composition of the officer corps, the political decision-making process, recruitment method and military style. Schiff's theory has been used to explore the post 1945 relationship that has existed between Indonesian army, citizenry and political leadership. The thesis argues, in line with Schiff's theory that the Indonesian army's participation in society and politics has been determined by its unique history and culture. Schiff's theory has been further applied to Indonesia to trace the gradual development of a concordance. The evidence from the Indonesian case indicates that Schiff's argument is undermined by its static nature due to the inability of her model to account for change within each of the partners. Schiff's theory overlooks the need for the partners to be coherent in order for agreement to form. In the case of this study Schiff's theory has been adapted to take into account change within the actors, introducing a dynamic element to the model. It is contended that the concordance which did eventually emerge was significantly different in nature to that defined by Schiff, namely and enforced concordance. This enforced concord endured until 1998, when a fundamental change within the nature of the partners led to Suharto's downfall. It is argued further that the case of Indonesia demonstrates the need for her

The purpose of this research was to examine how public relations is performed in Indonesia. It attempted to answer two research questions. First, which of the Grunig's public relations models were used and most prevalent in the public relations performance in Indonesia. Second, were there any other models or patterns emerging in the practice that were not included in Grunig's public relations models. The indicators for personal influence model and cultural interpreter model were usedForty-four questions sent though e-mail survey were completed by 16 participants. The findings showed that all of four Grunig's public relations models were practiced. The two-way symmetrical model was the most prevalent one. Meanwhile, the personal influence model and cultural interpreter model were more popularly practiced than Grunig's four models.Although the findings of this study could not be used for generalization due to its small sample, this study provided a glimpse of public relations pattern practiced in Indonesia. It implied that public relations has advanced to the mutual influence and understanding stage for some public relations practitioners. This meant that public relations practitioners served as management and decision making function, rather than manipulator or simply distributor of information. / Department of Journalism

According to the Ade observation (Ade, W., pers. Comm.) “95% of all commercial oil fields in the Sumatra region occur within 17 km of seismically mappable structural grabens in the producing basins”. The Ade observation proposes a link between the subsidence of the source rocks (the Talang Akar Formation) in the grabens and the maturity of the organic material. To test the validity of the Ade observation, subsurface mapping of the region was carried out using geophysical logs. Using the well log information, the basement and the formation tops have been mapped with a special emphasis on Talang Akar and Air Benakat Formations. The isopach maps of these formations show that most of the producing wells on the Sunda shelf are in fact located in and around the major structural basins. Trends in the occurrence of the oil fields have also been observed which are analogous to the orientation of the grabens. Structural mapping of the basins have identified several wrench faults. These are of particular interest as wrench faults provide good structural traps for oil in the Los Angeles and the North Sumatra Basins and may prove to be very important for future exploration in southern Sumatra and northwest Java. In South Sumatra Basin, 77.78% of the potential oil fields are located in the 17 km margin from the grabens. For Sunda/Asri Basins and the Ardjuna Basin, it is 100 and 92 respectively. Identifying the source rocks in this 17 km window will enhance the success rate of oil exploration in the Sundaland Basins. / Department of Geological Sciences

Indonesia is in its era of development in almost every aspect of human life in which these development are directed and guided by the State Guidelines. One priority under the State Guidelines is housing development, specifically housing development for the low and middle income groups. 'Perumnas' or the National Housing Company is created by the government to take the responsibility of providing and developing affordable housing through a long term loan provided by the Bank Tabungan Negara (the State Savings Bank), with more careful observation to the population growth and its distribution, land use planning in urban and rural areas, job opportunity, health environment, social facility, local building material production, and maintain a balance with the regional development.Jakarta, the capital city of Indonesia with its population of more than seven million people has become the primary city in Indonesia and it has been also as a major destination for migrants for jobs opportunities, public services, and information.This study has explored the National Housing Company strategies in dealing with the housing demand and the fast growing population, limited government financial funds, and land availability with special observation to the development of affordable housing in Jakarta; how the National Housing Company financed the housing program includes land and housing development, the methods of building construction, and the method of long term housing payment. / Department of Urban Planning

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This study addresses the phenomenon of elite Islamic schools in Indonesia by focusing on Al Azhar Islamic High School in Jakarta. Taking as its starting point the evolution and expansion of Islamic educational institutions in contemporary Indonesia, particularly since the 1970s, it examines the emergence of elite Islamic schools and identifies the unique characteristics that attract many urban, middle-class Muslims to send their children to these schools. In addition, this study attempts to address the lack of research on the history of Islamic education in Indonesia between the years 1970 and 2000. A review of past studies demonstrates that this period has not been critically examined enough. / In looking at the specific example of Al Azhar Islamic High School, an evaluative case study and ethnographic techniques were employed. Interviews, observations, and fieldnotes served as primary resources. As the first elite Islamic school ever founded, it has distinguished itself as a pioneer in providing educational service especially to the urban Muslim society in Jakarta. My central research question was whether the changes that had occurred in the Islamic educational system following the introduction of elite or excellence-oriented schools had really lived up to expectations. More specifically, I inquired into the strengths and weaknesses of elite Islamic schools faced with the task of meeting ongoing and complex challenges in this era of globalization, while at the same time maintaining Islamic teachings and practices. / However, this study found that there is still a gap between the ideals of the elite Islamic school and its ability to pursue its stated goals of education. The lack of human resources and poor communications between school community and government show that these schools have not yet achieved the highest quality standards. The study also reveals that the school has to adopt policies to promote transparency in the organizational and administrative spheres, openness to non-Muslims, and accessibility to other sections of society. / This research makes a contribution to the fields of school reform and school effectiveness. Moreover, the study may also have implications for other social and religious contexts.

My thesis argues that in 1982-2008, “state Islam” created a pluralistic Indonesia and an anti-pluralistic Malaysia. The rubric of “state Islam” is a political alliance of secular politicians, religious bureaucrats, and Islamic socio-religious organizations. During these twenty-five years, state policy in Indonesia repressed Islam through the political marginalization of the formal and informal institutions of Muslim piety and practice. On the other hand, state policy in Malaysia accommodated Islam through promoting similar institutions. The rise of Islamic political and cultural consciousness in 1979 had triggered leadership transition and elite factionalism in 1982 in Malaysia and in 1989 in Indonesia, during which a new Islamic-centric force of entrepreneurs drove policy change. From 1982 to 2008, Indonesia and Malaysia created new state religious bureaucracies that regulated Islam, persecuted minority Islamic sects, and curbed the political autonomy of socio-religious organizations embedded in Islam. Chapter 1 constitutes a literature review and outlines my argument and key variables, while Chapter 2 provides the historical context of Islam in pre and post-independence Indonesia and Malaysia. The next chapter takes us to Indonesia in 1982-1994, when the Suharto government embarked on its institutional repression of Islam. Chapter 4 demonstrates how in 1982-1994 the Mahathir government in Malaysia launched its parallel institutional accommodation of Islam. Returning to Indonesia, Chapter 5 shows how Suharto’s institutional repression from the late 1990s directly created the conditions for a pluralist Indonesia today. Chapter 6 examines how the Mahathir government, previously locked in a close relationship with Islam through institutional accommodation in the late 1990s to early 2000s, produced a contemporary Malaysia resolutely hostile to political and socio-cultural pluralism. The final chapter explores the concept of unintended consequences and suggests comparative and cross-regional implications for my findings.

This thesis deals with Islam and nation formation in Indonesia. It attempts to describe the particular relationship between Islam and the development of the Indonesian nation. It examines the role of Islam in promoting the process of nation formation in Indonesia until the early 1930's. Since the coming of Islam to the Archipelago, the 'ulama' and their writings played a central role in the integration of the Malay world. The use of the Malay language as a lingua franca accelerated the process of integration as well as the process of mutual understanding among the people, the majority of whom were Muslim. When European colonialism appeared on the scene, the Muslims resisted it labelling the foreigners as non-Muslims. Opposition came from the royal, the aristocratic and the 'ulama' sectors. All in their way demonstrated resistance to every aspect of imperialism and colonialism. At the beginning of the 20th century, Muslims began to turn to socio-religious organizations in their efforts to achieve independence. This was a period of significant Muslim contributions to Indonesian nationalism. Some favored a structural approach while others pursued a cultural means. Indeed, people began to think in more democratic terms, and began to realize their inferior position within the colonial system. The response of the colonial government helped, in spite of itself, to foster national unity. The significance of this thesis lies in the fact that there has not yet been any attempt to trace the background of the formation of the Indonesian state with particular reference to the role of Islam.