Makala haya yanachanganua jinsi dhana za kifalsafa zinavyoakisiwa katika ushairi wa Kiswahili yakizingatia hasa tenzi zilizoandikwa kuhusu historia za dola za Kiafrika baada ya kupatikana kwa Uhuru. Tenzi nyingi za kundi hili zilitungwa Tanzania wakati wa ujamaa, ndiyo maana itikadi zinazoelezwa zaidi katika tenzi hizi zinahusiana na falsafa ya ujamaa. Uelekeo huu unaonyeshwa katika uchambuzi wa Utenzi wa Pambazuko la Afrika uliotungwa na Mohammed Seif Khatib na kuchapishwa mwaka 1982, ambao unaakisi falsafa ya ujamaa, itikadi za umoja wa Afrika (Panafricanism) na upingani wa ukoloni, ukigusana pia na imani ya Afrika kuwa chanzo cha mawazo mengi ya kifalsafa (Afrocentrism). Kwa namna hii, inaonekana kwa uwazi kwamba utungaji wa tenzi ni njia muhimu sana ya kueleza falsafa ya kisiasa na ya kihistoria katika utamaduni wa Kiswahili. Njia hii inalingana na njia nyinginezo: mawazo hayohayo yanaelezwa vilevile katika vitabu vya kitaaluma (kwa mfano, vitabu vya Mwalimu Nyerere kuhusu ujamaa), katika riwaya, au katika ushairi wa aina nyingine (kama vile mashairi, ngonjera, n.k.). Tenzi nyingine za hili kundi la ‘tenzi za Uhuru’ zinaakisi vilevile falsafa za aina nyingine, ikiwemo falsafa ya kidini inayotokana na dini ya Uislamu au falsafa ya ‘utu’, ambayo ina mizizi mirefu sana katika tamaduni nyingi za Afrika. Kwa kumaliza, makala yanasisitiza kwamba, tukipenda kufahamu ‘falsafa ya Kiafrika’ ni nini, ni lazima tutazame njia zilizoko na vyombo vilivyoko katika tamaduni za Kiafrika vya kuelezea dhana na thamani, bila ya kutarajia kwamba njia hizo na vyombo hivyo vitakuwa vilevile au vitafanana kimsingi na vyombo vya kawaida vya kuelezea falsafa katika tamaduni za Magharibi (yaani maandishi ya kitaaluma kuhusu falsafa). Ushairi ni njia mojawapo, tena muhimu sana, ya kueleza mawazo ya kifalsafa katika utamaduni wa Kiswahili, lakini ziko na njia nyingine, kama vile maelezo ya taaluma mbalimbali na tanzu nyingi za fasihi na sanaa, ambazo inafaa zitambulikane na ichambuliwe katika fani ya falsafa.

Irony is a widely used device which plays a large role not only in conversation, but also has impacts on our daily thoughts. In literature, the device of irony has been used in the past and it is still being used by writers today so that readers can think deeply on the presented topic and understand the message and the intended concept. Wamitila (2008: 409) finds that irony is among the many devices which facilitate our conversations, mostly with its capability of indirectly revealing our hidden feelings, views and perspectives. According to Mbatiah (2001: 27) irony is a concept used in speech which can cause a painful realization. This article discusses the methodologies and different strategies applied in the use of irony within Kiswahili literature. The main argument within the article is that irony can cause the reader to indirectly recognize a deeper meaning within the text. The basic assertion in this article is to highlight how irony has played a large role within Kiswahili literature before independence, after independence, within the Arusha Declaration, and up until this time of globalization. / Kejeli ni mbinu pana, ambayo huchukua nafasi kubwa na kutoa mchango wake si katika mazungumzo tu bali pia katika utoaji wa awazo yetu ya kila siku. Katika fasihi, mbinu ya kejeli imetumiwa na inaendelea kutumiwa na waandishi ili kuiwezesha hadhira/wasomaji wafikirie kwa undani suala linaloongelewa ili waweze kupata ujumbe uliokusudiwa kufikishwa kwao. Wamitila (2008: 409) anasema kuwa, kejeli ni mojawapo ya mbinu zinazotawala maongezi yetu hasa kutokana na uwezo wake wa kuficha hisia, maoni na mitazamo yetu sahihi. Kwa maoni ya Mbatiah (2001: 27), kejeli ni maneno yanayotumiwa katika matamshi kama hayo huwa ni ya kuchoma, kukata na kutia uchungu. Makala haya yanajadili kwa kina njia na mbinu mbalimbali zilizotumika katika kutumia kejeli katika fasihi ya Kiswahili. Mbinu inayoongoza makala ni ile inayoitambua kejeli katika hali ambapo kuna kinyume na Fulani katika usemi, hali au tukio. Suala la msingi katika makala haya ni kuonyesha jinsi mbinu ya kejeli ilivyooneshwa katika Kiswahili kuanzia kabla ya uhuru, baada ya uhuru, azimio la Arusha hadi wakati huu wa utandawazi kumeisaidia kwa kiasi gani jamii ya Kitanzania.

Obituary in memory of Ben Rashid Mtobwa, a Tanzanian writer.

The article outlines recent trends in popular writing in Swahili in Kenya and Tanzania, the research being mainly based on titles published after the year 2000, by both well-known writers and newcomers. The author also generalises on some basic social and cultural factors accountable for the present state of popular literature in both countries.

The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, the basic concepts, such as “African philosophy” and “Afrophone philosophies”, their relationship and the general context of the debate on “African philosophy” will be defined. The author anticipate her definition here and says that “Afrophone philosophies”are those discourses that are the medium of philosophical reflexion in a given culture. Thus in the second part of the paper, Alena Rettová concentrates on one specific case of a philosophical reflexion, that of reflecting philosophical influences in the late works of Euphrase Kezilahabi, Nagona (1990) and Mzingile (1991).

Taarab in contemporary Zanzibar currently experiences great changes since the Nineties with the emerging and growing success of modern taarab. This has shocked the fans of the traditional style (taarab asilia) with musical and instrumental innovations, including powerful amplifiers and more danceable rhythms, but also textual innovations, using in their songs, commonly called mipasho, a sort of language and poetical imagery very open and non-disguised (Khamis 2002: 200). The perception of a split between the two musical and poetical styles is widely shared among the artists and fans of traditional taarab, but it actually tends to simplify the dynamics of continuity and change of this art deeply rooted within the social and political life of Zanzibar islands.

This paper focuses on two spatial Kiswahili demontratives. In Kiswahili, demonstratives have been traditionally treated as morphosyntactic elements that modulate various elements and realize emphatic function. Demonstratives have also been studied as elements that express and facilitate cohesive relations and elements that realize deictic functions in discourse. In this paper we look at Kiswahili demonstratives as used in the standard Kiswahili language in Nairobi city. We argue that besides the traditionally recognized functions, demonstratives in standard Kiswahili are also used to pass subtle discourse messages which can only be explained by taking into account the pragmatic strategies employed in the use of demonstratives in specific discourse settings.

KiNgome is a dialect of Kiswahili spoken in the nothern part of Mafia Island. KiNgome is spoken by almost all categories of people in the Ngome area.

Remarks on aspects of taarab such as its history, nature, definition, and change appear prominently and repeatedly in nearly every previous study of the subject. Some of these remarks, however, serve more to expose a clash of interests rather than provide untainted facts about its conceptualisation. This esseay aims at revisiting the notion of taarab in an attempt to concretise its conceptualisation on the basis of various variables that affect change in its structure. The relevant variables are convergence, divergence, linguistic constrains, formal conventions, spontaneity and preparedness in composition, actualisation and performance, instrumentation (i. e. number of instruments and how they are played), the art of vocalisation, the performer/ audience divide, stage organisation, setting, occasion, functions and media influences. For the purpose of avoiding much attention to every category of taarab, however, we prefer to take `group-styles`- hence our concentration on three phases: the period of the inception of taarab in Zanzibar, the period prior to 1905 through the 1920s up to the 1940s when the phonograph record and then the sound film was introduced, from the 1950s to the 1960s when the radio was introduced, and from the 1970s todate - the period of the impact of the tape-recorder, video-recorder, TV - and most recently the period of the influence of satellite television. Our analysis is based on theoretical conceptions of genres by Dubrow (1982), Fowler (1991), Finnegan (1976) and Okpewho (1992) in written literature and `orature`.

In this paper I discuss the distribution of the so-called stem marker -ku- in Swahili, which is found with some, mostly monosyllabic verbs when used with certain tense morphemes. After introducing the data, I show that there are three potential analyses to explain the data, which I discuss in turn. Two of these analyses are phonological in nature and relate the distribution of -ku- to stress assignment. The first stress related analysis, which I call the `prevent-stress`rule is popular in textbooks and teaching manuals of Swahili (e.g. Ashton 1944, Russell 1996, Maw 1999), but turns out to be wrong. According to the second, more satisfactory stress rule, first proposed by Meinhof (1910a, 1910b, 1933), -ku- is deleted throughout except in stressed syllables and before vowels. While this analysis provides a sufficient diachronic account of the distribution of -ku-, I provide an alternative synchronic analysis, according to which the distribution of -ku- results from a number of alternative lexical entries for the relevant verbs.