This study estimates the size of the informal economy in South Africa, evaluates the macroeconomic implications of this, and then concludes with possible effects that all of this might have on policy. The research is conducted as a South African case study, and uses time-series analysis for the period 1966-2002. Recently there has been a revival of interest in the informal economies of a number of countries. The revival has been driven largely by an increase in the size of informal economies, in both absolute and relative terms. South Africa is no exception to this trend: more and more people are entering the informal economy. The rapid urbanization of the black population, the slow pace of economic growth, the decrease in the incidence of formal employment, the promotion of small-, medium- and microenterprises (SMMEs), as well, finally, as the so-called ‘informalization’ of formal businesses are all factors contributing to the recent growth in the South African informal economy. There is not much literature on the South African informal economy, and what there is tends to be narrow, specializing in particular aspects of the informal economy. Moreover, the subject is controversial: there seems to be little agreement on the definition and use of informal economy estimates in both economic analysis and policy-making. In response to this situation, therefore, the present study examines the problem of defining the informal economy and considers the reasons why people might prefer to operate in the informal economy rather than in the formal economy. By III examining the various definitions of the South African informal economy and by looking at the reasons why people are operating in it, it is possible to gain an understanding of the various approaches used in international literature on the subject to measure the economic contribution of informal economies. A critique of the different approaches suggests that the currency demand approach is an appropriate method for measuring the informal economy in a developing country such as South Africa. The results of the analysis indicate that while the size of the informal economy stood at an average of 9.5% of GDP for the period 1966-2002, the size of the informal economy during the period 1966-1993 decreased. After 1993, the size of the informal economy remained relatively constant. These estimates of size are then used to test the nature of the relationships between the informal and formal economies. It was found that the informal economy has effects in, and on, the formal economy. This finding suggests, ultimately, that an increase in the size of the informal economy will ultimately contribute to an increase in the growth of the economy as a whole. These findings are used in the present thesis in the formulation of policy recommendations regarding the regulatory and macroeconomic policies currently in place in South Africa. The recommendations cover many areas: variable bias, monetary policy, fiscal policy and taxation, capital markets, and employment policy. Areas for further research are also indicated. The study concludes that macroeconomic policy which largely ignores or neglects the informal economy in its modelling IV and planning increases the likelihood that such policy may be overly contractionary, or that it may have unintended consequences. As a consequence, the South African informal economy should be included in all macroeconomic models – whether monetary, fiscal, or development models. The due consideration of the informal economy takes on even further significance in the South African context: it consists largely of the formerly disadvantaged and vulnerable groups of society – the very people who have been given priority in the government’s broad medium-term macroeconomic policy (i.e. GEAR). The estimates presented in this study should therefore make a contribution to macroeconomic modelling and planning. / Prof. Elsabe Loots

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and management, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Business Sciences. Johannesburg, November 2017. / The conceptualisation of core values indicate that they are guiding principles in shaping organisational culture. Furthermore, values enhance firm efficiency if they are well integrated in all business processes. Despite the fact that core values motivate employees, SMEs in the informal economies of developing countries do not provide a list of core values to employees. The purpose of this study, therefore; was to establish the commonly practiced core values in Uganda’s informal economy and whether such core values could motivate and reinforce behaviour among employees and at the same time, foster entrepreneurial performance. The study adopted a mixed methods approach. In this case, the sample size for qualitative interviews was twenty-five respondents whereas the sample size for the quantitative survey was three hundred and eighty-six (386) respondents. The interviews were guided by a semi-structured interview guide and revealed that the commonly practiced core values in Uganda’s informal economy are; cleanliness, trust, fairness, responsibility and respect. It was established that core values motivate and reinforce employee behaviour. The quantitative survey was done using a questionnaire with a five- point Likert scale. Hypotheses and mediation tests were carried out by way of structural equation modeling, using AMOS and Sobel’s test respectively. Results from all hypotheses’ tests indicated significant positive relationships between predictor and outcome variables. However, the relationships of; motivation and entrepreneurial performance and legitimacy and entrepreneurial performance were positive, but insignificant. In addition, it was discovered that the reinforcement theory is applicable in Uganda’s informal economy. Based on the results of this research, it is recommended that SMEs should seek to acquire skills on how to fully turn legitimacy and motivation into business advantage and how to use core values as tools for advertising and marketing the business. Finally, the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, with help from local governments, should design a policy to tempt SMEs to voluntarily engage in community service, especially cleaning up water and drainage channels to improve cleanliness in the communities as well as improving on business legitimacy. / GR2018

A country of approximately 4 million citizens, Lebanon is home to over half a million Asian and black African migrant workers concentrated in its capital city of Beirut. An estimated one quarter of Lebanese households employ a live-in female migrant domestic worker on a full time basis. Over the last decade, many of these women have fled domestic confinement to enter Lebanon’s informal labour market, and have recently been joined by hundreds of thousands of Syrian refugees fleeing war across the country’s eastern border. This dissertation examines the social worlds of these migrant workers. It demonstrates that non-Arab migrant workers in Beirut are not simply temporary workers, but constitute a specific subject category structured by socioeconomic relations that determine the possibility of their life in the city. Specifically, it argues that migrant workers in Beirut are subjects denied recognition, and who therefore lie outside the nation-state, while having forged an urban belonging inside the city. I demonstrate this by examining migrant workers’ interactions with the joint nexus of citizen-state authority, their experiences of time in both labour and rest, their modes of receiving address and inhabiting speech in the Arabic language, and their intimate and collective relations in the city. Together with growing numbers of male Syrian refugees, migrant workers in Beirut have created an urban underground that has transformed both what and who it means to live in the city today. This dissertation offers an ethnographic map of these transformations.

Thesis (MTech (Entrepreneurship))--Peninsula Technikon, 2002. / Word processed copy. Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 53-55). Also available online.

This thesis proposes an original framework for the analysis of third world informal finance. It will be supported by a comprehensive survey of the associated literature. Specifically, most mainstream interpretations of informal finance adhere to a dualist paradigm that revolves around three key assumptions. First that informal firms are less efficient than formal firms in conducting financial transactions, second that their activities are protected from formal competition due to segmented financial markets, and finally that the economic impact of informal finance is inferior to an overall formal system. Yet much of the qualitative evidence of informal finance contradict these assumptions and limit the validity of dualist interpretations. The dualist conclusion that informal finance is a transitory phenomenon can therefore be derailed, leaving room for a more open ended interpretation of contemporary financial informality.

The pattern of a classical hyperinflation is an acute acceleration of inflation to levels above 1000% generally associated with printing money to finance large fiscal deficits due to wars, revolutions, and the end of empires or the establishment of new states (Coorey et al, 2007: 3). After World War I, a handful of European economies succumbed to hyperinflation. Austria, Germany, Hungary, Poland, and Russia all racked up enormous price increases, with Germany recording an astronomical 3.25 million percent in a single month in 1923 (Reinhart and Savastano, 2003: 1). Since the 1950s, hyperinflation has been confined to the developing world and the transition economies. Zimbabwe currently has the highest rate of inflation in the world with an annual rate of 7982.1% in September 2007 (RBZ Website, 1/11/07). This paper examines the impact of hyperinflation on Small to Medium Enterprises (SMEs) in Harare, Zimbabwe with aims of revealing how SMEs were affected by hyperinflation and other factors linked to the phenomenon. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2007.

Very little research evidence exists with respect to the informal sector in African countries. Although (mixed) theoretical evidence does exist that postulates a relationship between formal sector employment and informal sector employment, very little is understood about the exact nature of such a relationship. The research problem to be answered by this study thus constitutes two parts: Firstly, to estimate the relationship between informal sector employment and formal sector employment in selected African countries, and, secondly, to compare and contrast the estimated coefficients for the sample of countries with respect to statistical significance, sign and magnitude of such estimated coefficients. The study makes use of a fixed effects or least squares dummy variable (LSDV) panel data regression model, in double-log form, that comprises observations for informal sector employment, formal sector employment and exports (as a possible proxy for the "trade cycle‟ effect on informal sector employment). The sample of countries includes: South Africa; Kenya; Namibia; Zambia; Botswana and Mauritius, for the study period, 1998 – 2008. Theoretically, the expectation is a negative relationship between informal sector employment and formal sector employment as these are (plausibly) "substitute‟ activities in the labour market. However, there is mixed evidence to support/negate this hypothesis. Further, the expectation is a positive relationship between informal sector employment and exports. Including formal sector employment and exports as explanatory variables in a linear regression framework, poses a possible problem of strong collinearity between the explanatory variables (i.e. multicollinearity) as formal sector employment and exports are, generally, strong positively correlated. This study uses suitable ratio transformation to remedy this problem. The general findings of the study are that South Africa, Namibia and Mauritius had statistically significant levels (or average changes therein) of informal employment as a proportion of population not dependent on changes to formal employment as a proportion of population and exports. In Namibia and Zambia, informal employment as a proportion of population was statistically related to formal employment as a proportion of population, with negative sign, and "elasticity‟ greater than 1. In Namibia and Mauritius, informal employment as a proportion of population was statistically related to exports. Namibia had a positive sign and "elasticity‟ barely in excess of 1. Mauritius, however, had a negative sign and "elasticity‟ greater than 1. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010.

State failure in Zimbabwe has had a profound impact on the labour market. As job opportunities in the formal sector have shrunk due to the contraction of the economy, the informal sector has been showing rapid growth. The restructuring of the labour market has resulted in an informal sector that is much bigger than the formal sector, a drastic reversal of the situation that existed just after the country’s independence in 1980. This growth in the informal sector has had the effect of keeping the reported unemployment figure in Zimbabwe at below 10 per cent. While this figure has been met with disbelief and derision both within and outside Zimbabwe, it is based on the application of the international definition of employment (ILO, 2008). This study analyses the impact of state failure on a segment of the informal sector - the urban informal sector self-employed and analyses how urban selfemployment has grown and developed in a context of state failure. This study also explores how this segment of the informal economy has responded to and been impacted by the economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe. The study found that state failure has had a large impact on the urban informal sector selfemployed in a number of ways. This impact has largely been in the form of (a) opportunities in filling the gap left by the collapse of the formal sector after the imposition of price and foreign exchange controls; (b) increased competition from new, more educated, entrants who were opting out of (or could not get jobs in) the formal sector; (c) increases in the number of people employed by informal enterprises (the majority of whom were non-family members); (d) the crisis/failing state’s increasing inability to enforce zoning and tax regulations. The findings suggest that there have been a lot of new entrants into the informal sector. These new entrants seem to be younger and more educated. These new entrants seem to have made strategic decisions on location, types of products they sell and the way they run their enterprises. The urban informal sector self-employed workers are not a homogeneous group. They exhibit differences in a number of areas for example, their age, the activities they are engaged in, their level of education, and the location they operate from. Zimbabwe’s price and exchange control policies exacted a heavy toll on the private sector with many formal enterprises collapsing as a result of these controls. These controls and the collapse of many formal sector enterprises presented numerous opportunities for economic rents and arbitrage. Although most of the respondents in the sample were generally happy with informal sector work, there were some who had clearly disproportionately benefited from state failure. While the study does indicate that the urban informal sector self-employed entrepreneurs do absorb a number of unemployed people, with the informal sector thus playing a distributional safety-net role not only for the enterprise owners but also for their employees, the number of people employed per enterprise seems to be too low to substantiate the view of the informal sector being a significant employer in the economy (even a failing one). The study concludes that the context of crisis/failed state has clearly created some opportunities for a segment of the population. These findings are largely inconsistent with a view that conceptualises the informal sector as an undifferentiated employer of last resort marked by low wages and difficult working conditions. While the informal sector is playing an ameliorative role as an income-generating safety net for most self-employed workers in Harare, the comparatively well-educated respondents selling high end products in the suburbs seem to have actually benefited from the conditions of state failure. The low salaries coupled with job insecurity in the formal sector have meant that the informal sector is increasingly viewed as a more preferable employment option, particularly for entrepreneurs. The returns from this type of activity have even encouraged a number of formal sector workers to increasingly participate in the informal sector to make ends meet. In a country where a formal sector worker’s salary can barely cover the rent, let alone food and other expenses, the informal sector entrepreneurs in this study perceived themselves to be comparatively wealthy. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2010.

Thesis (M.S.)--Ohio University, June, 2007. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Adelaide, Centre for Asian Studies, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 252-266).