This research explores cult formation and sect-like worship in the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), around the figures of both the priest and guerrilla fighter Camilo Torres (1929-1966), and Fabio Vásquez, leader and founder of the group in 1963-1978. I examine the relationship between authority and obedience that shaped political leadership in Colombia since the late 19th century. In particular, I consider how collective moral and individual values become ritualized in daily practices and moral discourses fostered by leaders that promoted drastic social change along Colombian history. This analysis of authority and obedience facilitates interpretations into how leaders create allegiances and legitimize violence as a strategy to bring about change in Colombian politics. I argue that the politics of magnicidio demonstrates how the formation of leadership is hampered by the use of selective violence, as a strategy to dismantle or deter political opponents from participation. This happens in both mainstream politics and within insurgent groups. In this vein, I argue that by approaching the figure of Camilo Torres and the reverence to his memory, it is possible to understand the importance of leadership and authority both in a guerrilla group, and in social mobilization, particularly the student movement, intellectual sectors, and the youth. I sustain that reverence to Camilo Torres has been fostered primarily outside the ELN. Although the ceremonies around his figure and the revolutionary project progressively furnished the group with a consistent pattern of belief for individual and group interaction, his leadership in the groups was not substantial. I demonstrate how Camilo Torres surrendered to the leadership of Fabio Vásquez in an attempt to become a suitable guerrillero. I argue that beyond claims for Camilo Torres' political legacy, guerrilla fighters in the ELN used his thought to challenge and undermine Fabio Vásquez' personalistic leadership in 1967-1974. Although the figure of Camilo Torres created internal cohesion, the ELN‘s re-conceptualization of the revolutionary project used his life only as a paradigm of commitment, sacrifice and revolutionary redemption, ignoring the priest's political ideals and assertions on social justice, charity and love. I conclude by exploring Camilo Torres' thought and actions in order to demonstrate how the ELN selectively interprets his legacy, and thereby justify the last months of his life to legitimize radical left leaning fighting. / Ph. D.

A imprensa insurgente encomendada por Miguel Hidalgo e por José Morelos, durante o movimento de independência da Nova Espanha, marcou uma ruptura com a imprensa oficial no início do século XIX. Ao levantar os problemas sociais do Vice-Reino e estratégias para combatê-los, configurou um novo espaço de debate político que respondia prioritariamente às urgências de notícias da guerra e à publicação de constantes manifestos em que se justificava a causa separatista. Analisar o desenvolvimento dos impressos durante a independência constitui um mecanismo para compreendermos a formação de espaços de sociabilidade num momento de debate intenso sobre a formulação de uma identidade mexicana. Os jornais revolucionários podem ser lidos, a partir desta perspectiva, não apenas como um lugar de discussão, mas como um elemento que se vincula a outras instâncias de ação social e estabelece uma comunicação a fim de formar opiniões políticas. / The insurgent press demanded by Miguel Hidalgo and José Morelos, during the independence movement of New Spain, established a rupture with the official media from the early 19th century. When putting through the light the social problems of the Vice-Reign and the strategies to fight against it, a new space for political debate was created, answering mainly to the urgency of the news from the war and the publication of constant manifests in which the independence is a mechanism for us to understand the formation of places for sociability in a moment of intensive debates on the construction of a Mexican identity. The revolutionary newspapers can be read, through this perspective, not only as a place for arguments, but also an element connected to other social practices and establish a communication with the mission to create political opinion.

A imprensa insurgente encomendada por Miguel Hidalgo e por José Morelos, durante o movimento de independência da Nova Espanha, marcou uma ruptura com a imprensa oficial no início do século XIX. Ao levantar os problemas sociais do Vice-Reino e estratégias para combatê-los, configurou um novo espaço de debate político que respondia prioritariamente às urgências de notícias da guerra e à publicação de constantes manifestos em que se justificava a causa separatista. Analisar o desenvolvimento dos impressos durante a independência constitui um mecanismo para compreendermos a formação de espaços de sociabilidade num momento de debate intenso sobre a formulação de uma identidade mexicana. Os jornais revolucionários podem ser lidos, a partir desta perspectiva, não apenas como um lugar de discussão, mas como um elemento que se vincula a outras instâncias de ação social e estabelece uma comunicação a fim de formar opiniões políticas. / The insurgent press demanded by Miguel Hidalgo and José Morelos, during the independence movement of New Spain, established a rupture with the official media from the early 19th century. When putting through the light the social problems of the Vice-Reign and the strategies to fight against it, a new space for political debate was created, answering mainly to the urgency of the news from the war and the publication of constant manifests in which the independence is a mechanism for us to understand the formation of places for sociability in a moment of intensive debates on the construction of a Mexican identity. The revolutionary newspapers can be read, through this perspective, not only as a place for arguments, but also an element connected to other social practices and establish a communication with the mission to create political opinion.

在後911時代，世界各國體認到國家安全的領域已從過去單純國防方面轉移到全方位的整體安全。單純的軍事力量已不足已維護國家安全，在面對各式挑戰和衝突時，必須以更全面的思考來應對。生物戰劑，在過去大多是在教科書和軍事準則上提到的可能威脅之一，但真正威脅到國家安全則是在911之後的炭疽信件。世人瞭解到我們是處於多麼真實且危險的世界。生物科技的進步一方面提昇人類的生活品質和生命長度，另一方面則是直接威脅到人類的生存。生物戰劑的運用方式可以相當多樣且多變，正是製造恐怖的最佳武器。 生物戰劑的目標可以從個人的暗殺、殺傷大量人員、影響農牧業及糧食供應、破壞經濟和社會秩序、影響政治選擇到製造動亂。而各種疾病和生物戰劑的散佈很難區分，更是增加防疫和應變上的困難。 我國在防疫措施上雖然在SARS之後已經有應變機制，但面對多樣的生物戰劑攻擊，仍然顯得捉襟見肘。吾人應分析可能的生物戰劑威脅並擬定相關應變措施，建立有關國家安全生物防護網，發揮全民國防之功能，維護整體國家安全。 關鍵詞：生物戰劑、應變機制、國家安全生物防護網、全民國防 / After 911-terrorism attack, nations all over the world finally realized that the national security field have transformed from national defense to full-spectrum national security. Military force cannot defense national security alone. When face kinds of challenges and threatens, we should think and concern more complete. Biological warfare threat, in past, just only text on textbook and field manual. But after 911 anthrax envelope events, people realized that the biological warfare threat have come to the real world and what dangerous world we live with. Biological science and technology have improved people's quality of life and prolonged our length of life, in the other hand, it also threaten human being's survival. Biological warfare can be use in many different ways and can be the best weapon to make terror. The target or strategic goal can be used to assassin, cause mass casualty, bloke or disturb food supply, destroy economics and social order, influence political choose and make chaos. It is not easy to find the difference between distribution of disease and biological warfare. Moreover, that made counter insurgence more difficult. We have counter insurgence mechanism to deal with biological warfare attack and disease distribution, when face kinds of biological threat, it shows insufficient. We need to improve our anti-bioterrorism capability continuously. Analysis possible threat and get counter insurgence plan, build national bio-shied framework and all-out defense system to protect national security. Keyword: biological warfare, insurgence mechanism, national bio-shied framework, all-out defense system