Thesis (M.A.)--University of Saskatchewan, 2005. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on Apr. 26, 2006). Includes bibliographical references (p. 113-117).

中國歷代政府均視地方治安為重要的政治議題，治安議題也就成為治史者瞭解古代中國政治運作的一門路徑。過去有關「明清基層社會與治安」的研究，向為中外學者頗感興趣的課題。本文的重點是討論明清之際基層社會的治安管理情況，為此提出了四個既是獨立但又環環相扣的問題。有別於過往研究，本文將以捕役這類普遍存在於明清基層社會，而又備受現今學者忽略的基層公務員為切入點，首先重新梳理他們在明清之際出現的原因以及演變過程，解釋他們在明中後期才成為專門的治安人員，並釐清包括捕役在內的應捕人專責維持社會秩序。其次, 闡述捕役在基層社會中的職能，指出他們擁有頗大的治安和司法權力。接著討論捕役機制存在待遇差劣以及人手編排不足等制度性問題，因而促使捕役濫用職權，從而達到經濟和治安目的。至於捕役犯罪情節的內容和影響，本文摒棄傳統以小說內容入手的做法，改以多部判牘內有關捕役犯罪的真實個案着手，得出「誣良為盜」和「屈打成招」是他們最常見的犯罪行為的結論，這些罪行對基層社會的治安和司法運作造成重大問題。最後把焦點從治安人員轉移到管理這些群體的地方官員上，透過地方官員對待捕役的態度，反映官員在治安管理上的困難和理解。他們一方面面對統治者的治安要求，另一方面又受制度上及資源上的限制，所以只能以加重懲罰的高壓方法來提高捕役完成治安任務的可能和減低他們犯罪的機會。這種態度表層意義反映他們只視捕役為「治安工具」，更深層意義是揭示地方官員對治安管理的終極理解──完成治安任務。要言之，本文透過捕役以及管理這些治安人員的地方官員，帶出地方治安管理的政策和問題，以另一個角度，瞭解明清之際基層社會的治安情況和特色。study focuses on the social public order and management of the local society during the Ming-Qing transition. Four independent but related questionsare raised for discussions to achieve such aims. First of all, this thesis focuses onthe buyi (捕役, literally local constables). They were a type of grass-root civilservant which permeates the local society of the Ming-Qing period, but long beenignored by the modern historians. In order to understand how they becameindispensable public security staffs and to clarify their responsiblities, their rolesand deeds in the transition period between Ming and Qing, as well as theirtransformation process in the due course are discussed. Secondly, the functions ofbuyi in the local society are explored to point out the great power on security andjudicial aspect they had seized. After that the institutional issues including a lackof manpower and low remuneration level are discussed, as such issues had pushedthe buyi to misuse their power to seek for their own benefits. The third questionrelated to the criminal committed by the buyi. In this chapter the crimes of thebuyi are reconstructed from judicial casebooks rather than the late Ming novels.From such cases the most common crimes of those buyi are fallen into thecatergories of Accused on innocent person and Tortured for confessions . Suchcrimes were serious problem to the local judiciary as well as the social order. Atlast our focus is shifted from those local security staff to those local officials. Inorder to reveal the difficulties and understanding on maintaining local social orderfrom the viewpoint of officials, how they treated those buyi is thoroughlydiscussed. On one hand the officials had to obey the nationwide policies imposedto them by the imperial authority, on the other hand they were restricted by thelocal institutions and resources, therefore the officials could only raise the level ofpenalties so as to lower the possibility of those buyi to commit crimes, and also toimprove their willingness to fulfil their duty. Such difficulties of the officialsmade them to treat the buyi as tools for social order maintenance . Incidentally, itrevealed that the ultimate understanding of Ming-Qing local officials on socialorder maintenance was to accomplish on surface their missions of social orderissued from their seniors, other than establish solutions to uproot sources ofcrimes or to build an effective and uncorrupted force of local constables.To conclude, this thesis asks us to pay attention to the policies and issues onlocal social order of late imperial China by exploring the buyi and the localofficials whom managing them.

Describing Canada's security intelligence practice, historians have identified 1945as a watershed. In September of that year Igor Gouzenko defected from the embassy of the Soviet Union in Ottawa, carrying with him evidence that the Soviets operated an espionage ring in this country. According to historical canon, Gouzenko's defection and the investigations which resulted from it forced the Canadian government to initiate a security screening program for civil servants and armed forces personnel. This program was an attempt to discern the political opinions, behaviour and trustworthiness of people in positions of trust both inside the state and outside. This thesis rewrites the conventional history of state security screening in Canada. By reexamining existing evidence and making use of records uncovered through the Access to Information Act, this work demonstrates that security screening of civil servants, military personnel and naturalization applicants began in the years between the First and Second World Wars. Revising the point at which security screening began also forces a reevaluation of the motivation for security screening. Security screening was not launched to detect and neutralize foreign espionage agents. Rather, it was borne out of a deep fear of communists among the Canadian people. Concern about internal dissent, not about foreign spying, was responsible for this new security intelligence development. This work also reexamines the Canadian government's supervision of its primary security intelligence agency, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. Contrary to the widely held view that the Canadian cabinet initiated and supervised the screening system, this thesis shows that the RCMP operated a program for at least fifteen years without political authorization and guidance. In doing so, it committed acts which can only be regarded as civil liberties violations. Nevertheless, abuses were relatively minor. One reason why they were was the dubious legality of the program. Carrying out a program which lacked political approval, the RCMP kept a tight rein on the security screening system, fearing a controversy which could be embarrassing and damaging to its own security intelligence capacity. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The scholarly field of International Relations (IR) has been slow to appreciate the evolutions in forms of governance authority currently seen in the European political system. Michael Barnett has insisted that ‘IR scholars also have had to confront the possibility that territoriality, authority, and the state might be bundled in different ways in present-day Europe’ (2001, 52). This thesis outlines how modern governing authority is generated and maintained in a Europe that is strongly impacted by the many institutions, departments, and agencies of the European Union (EU). Using the specific cases of the EU’s disaster response organisation, the DG for Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid (ECHO), and the hub for EU internal security policy management, the DG for Home and Migration Affairs (HOME), this thesis understands the different policy areas under EU policymaker and bureaucrat jurisdictions as semi-autonomous fields of practice – fields that are largely confined to the groups of bureaucratic, diplomatic, corporate, NGO, contracted, and IO that exist in Brussels, decidedly removed from in-field or operational personnel. Transnational governance authority in Europe, at least in these two fields, is generated and maintained by actors recognised as highly expert in producing and using data to monitor for the risks of future disasters and entrenching that ability into central functional roles in their respective fields. Both ECHO and HOME actors came to be recognised as central authorities in their fields thanks to their ability to prepare for unknown future natural and manmade disasters by creating and collecting and managing data on them and then using this data to articulate possible future scenarios as risks. They use the resources at their disposal to generate and manage data about disaster and security monitoring and coordination, drawing on these resources to impress upon the other actors in their fields that cooperating with ECHO and HOME is the best way to minimise the risks posted by future disasters. In doing so, both sets of actors established the parameters by which other actors understood their own best practices: through the use of data to monitor for future scenarios and establish criteria upon which to justify policy decisions. The specific way ECHO and HOME actors were able to position themselves as primary or central figures, namely, by using centralised data management, demonstrates the role that risk practices play in generating and maintaining authority in complex institutional governance situations as currently seen in Europe.

Internal practices are fundamental to companies information security, as organisations become digitised. This study investigates how four companies work with internal security, as well as the external impact factors that can affect the security. For example, the general information security awareness among employees is studied, as is the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. By conducting interviews with one representative at each company, and by studying literature, the study aims to enlighten differences and similarities as well as strengths and weaknesses in the companies security work. In conclusion, the study showed that the four companies had a similar view on the prioritisation of security and the importance of it, although they differed a lot in the applied practices and use of policies. The two larger companies had a more profound security work, regulated by documents and policies. In contrary, the two smaller companies for the most part used common sense as their approach to employees security mindset. The COVID-19 pandemic did not seem to affect the companies security work to a large extent. Although, they did see an increase in the amount of IT attacks and therefore the security could be argued to be in need of further assessment.

Bibliography: pages 208-220. / In the years after Mr P W Botha became Prime Minister of South Africa, it became generally noticed that the military as an ins ti tu ti on had become a more important actor within the central decision-making structures. While this excited a great deal of contemporary comment, few appreciated that this represented not necessarily a formal coup, but rather the culmination of a meticulously planned counter-revolutionary strategy - the response of the Botha government to a perceived "total onslaught". This study traces the rise of the "total onslaught" rhetoric and links it to changes which occurred in the security intelligence apparatus. It describes the structure of the National Security Management System (NSMS) in detail, and it advances various arguments in an attempt to assess the significance of the changes which have occurred in the decision-making structures, as well as the efficacy and durability of the NSMS. The study concludes that, because of the dedication of its proponents and because of its efficiency, the NSMS may afford the regime a breathing-space, but that ultimately the international environment, and internal demographic and economic pressures are such as to make the degenerative collapse of the regime a more likely long-term scenario.

For the purpose of probing into why there is an enormous cognitive bias amongst Mainland China citizens and Hong Kong citizens. This study used quantitative content analysis as the research tool to figure out how mainstream media outlets in Mainland China and Hong Kong frame Hong Kong protest events since the British sovereignty transfer in 1997. This paper selected three significant Hong Kong protest events as empirical cases, 1 July protest (2003), Occupy Central movement (2014), Anti-Extradition Bill movement (2019) to find out the transformation between two media outlets, Xinhua News and South China Morning Post. Framing theory, as the conceptual framework is applied to analyze all selected textual contents in this study. The result of this analysis presents two different versions of media report towards the same issues by two media outlets. And also, the research results also detect a subtle transformation of media coverage in three protest events. Eventually, the paper provides some thinking about media coverage and Hong Kong protest. Keywords: Hong Kong, media coverage, social protest, media, internal security

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Ethnicity, sectarianism and economic instability are fundamental variables of internal security threats to Pakistan. Religious extremism has created an unenviable image of Pakistan in the eyes of the rest of the world and has affected the country adversely. At the same time inter-provincial grievances could potentially cause serious damage to the federation. Despite recent economic recovery and sound macro policies, the absence of genuine socio-economic development has provided ethno-sectarian elements and regional forces grounds to exploit and weaken Pakistan internally. This paper argues that ethno-sectarian problems are major security threats to Pakistan and will remain a huge impediment to the goals of economic prosperity. Interdependence of these multifaceted threats and their overall impact on internal security is the focus of this analysis. Pakistan needs to address these national security threats and find a viable solution in a reasonable timeframe to find its rightful place in the community of modern nations. The immediate requirement is to introduce political, economic and education reforms and take bold initiatives to obviate present and future threats. This paper recommends three-pronged strategy to counter ethnosectarian threats to Pakistan: halt then reverse present trends, enforce rule of law and lastly introduce fresh incentives for socio-economic development. / Lieutenant Colonel, Pakistan Army

In the wake of the post-Cold War era, students of international relations were forced to review their theoretical frameworks to explain new rules for international peace and security. States are now confronted with new constraints for their security and survival as current trends in international politics depict a 'regionalisation' of peace and security. For southern Africa, likewise, the end of the Cold War and, moreover, apartheid, compels its member states to redefine their security strategies and mechanisms for survival. This thesis undertakes to examine southern Africa's adaptation to new rules of a changing world environment, to ensure a stable and secure region, into the next millennium. At the outset of this thesis lies a conceptual contextualisation of security within the major contemporary theoretical approaches of international relations. By examining the essential differences between the redefinitions and new conceptualisations of security, this thesis, firstly argues that the state in southern Africa must be retained as a primary referent of security. This argument is premised on the need to create stronger states for a 'regionalisation' of security in southern Africa. The second issue examined is the changing world environment and its impact on the state and development in Africa, as the new constraints to which the continent must adapt, for security and survival. Arguing that the new international economic order and 'globalisation' dictate the new rules, this chapter asserts that the 'weak' states in Africa need to be strengthened to have the necessary capacity to be the means for its people's security. Finally this thesis examines the new rules for southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment. The new rules for the African sub-continent involve the formation of a security regime and economic community with, the power-house, South Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community(SADC) as the umbrella body, the formation of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, and signing of trade protocols for a movement towards a free trade area, are evidence of southern Africa's attempts to adapt to new rules for its security. Such adaptation cannot, however, be accomplished with 'weak' states. Southern African states will have to, therefore, be strengthened to attain a more secure adaptation to the new international (economic) order.

Magister Artium - MA / The intention of this dissertation is to clarify the psychological processes and effects which operate in the political detention situation, and to outline effective treatment and coping strategies. An overview of research literature and theory is provided, and the importance of viewing detention within a broad 'socio-political context is emphasised. In the analysis of the detention situation a number of variables likely to be operative are considered. Solitary confinement, torture, interrogation, reactions to severe stress situation s, and uncertainty, unpredictability and uncontrollability are given separate discussion, interaction situation. prior to an attempt to consider the of these variable s in the detention This projected picture is compared with case material gathered in the area. It is noted that political detention is not a uniform experience with a uniform set of effects. Rather, the effects are seen to be dependent on the particular differences in re-ponse. Nevertheless, political detention is shown to be commonly both objectively and subjectively severely stressful, with a strong likelihood of the detainee developing debilitating psychological sequelae. post-traumatic stress disorder appears to be commonly implicated, and symptom s may persist for many years. Family and community members and organisations to which the detainee belongs suffer not only the effects of the loss of that person, but also the problems of effectively helping him or her to reintegrate. It is shown that detainees have commonly drawn on a number of resources or strategies to counteract the potentially debilitating effects of prior preparation of detention. The for the detention experience to facilitate an accurate appraisal of the situation and better coping is emphasized. Useful strategies that may be learned or fostered are outlined. A multidisciplinary approach to treatment that acknowledges all of the difficulties and needs particular to any specific ex-detainee, and that draws on as broad a recommended. It is shown range of available supports Physiotherapy, psychotherapy, and family involvement are as possible, is medication where stressed. Necessary that much may be learned from Canadian and European units that rehabilitate victims of torture - mainly from South American countries; but that strategies need to be adapted to South African conditions.