The assessment of a contemporary statesman presents difficulties in view of the unpredictability of policy outcomes and the unavailability of documents and sources. However, it should still be possible to analyze the policies that determine whether a statesman will succeed of fail. Henry Kissinger placed the highest priority upon the development of detente with the Soviet Union and China. The ultimate wisdom of his vision is a matter of serious concern to both contemporary and future analysts. I am concerned with the divergence between the ideas of Kissinger as a scholar and the policies of Kissinger as a statesman. The first two chapters examine the principal tenets of Kissinger's philosophy of international relations and the relationship between the United States and Western Europe. I then focus upon American multilateral and bilateral relations with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Community (EC); West Germany, France, and Britain. In the concluding chapter I discuss the central tenets of Kissinger's philosophy of history and the impact of his statesmanship upon the world with respect to: Detente: The Soviet Union and China, the Middle East, Japan, economic issues, and morality and foreign policy. I then examine the relationship between the world of the scholar (the realm of theory) and the world of the statesman (the realm of practical solutions) and assess Kissinger's successes and failures in reconciling the worlds of the scholar and the statesman.

The Politics of Transformation seeks to explore and critically analyze the new politics and policies formulated, articulated and adopted by Nigeria's ruling and political elites and partly out of demand made by academic intellectuals including a handful of influential top level bureaucrats who run the machinery of government. Furthermore, the Politics of transformation examine through critical analysis the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries' (OPEC) "quiet revolution" in the world of global oil, its impact on the global economy and most importantly on the dynamics of international relations. By focusing on the Doctrines of Sovereignty and of "Changing Circumstances," we explore and examine specifically the changing relationship between international oil companies and producer-governments within the frameworks of systems analysis, bargaining strategies and negotiation tactics. The Politics of transformation therefore seeks to examine for the purposes of restructing prevailing ideologies by looking into the past while going beyond mere survival of that past, through the creation of new forms and modes and the conscious presentation of new demands based on a new era of national consciousness and political management in a changing world. In the Nigerian context, the politics of transformation gave birth to indigenization of "Nigerianization" of the economy, membership into the OPEC and the transnationalization of the society. Studied within the framework of systems analysis, objectives and goals seem rather haphazardly and limitedly successful and dependent on the alliance between domestic and state actors on the one hand, and foreign interests on the other. The final outcome of this interaction remains to be seen since structural arrangements engendered by his process is not yet ossified. In the final analysis, however, indigenous control of the economy seem the goal of Nigerian planners. With regards to OPEC, the quiet revolution sought not only to defend the posted price of oil then, it represents the vision and goals of a group of nations bound together for the accomplishment of a stated goal. Consequently, the dynamics of global oil is not only based on economic terms, but fundamentally politically in nature. The multinational oil companies are on the defensive and no amount of game theoretic calculations can come to their rescue save a deliberate inter-government intrusion in the global oil industry. This study proceeds from that assumption.

How has Kuwait been able to preserve its existence as an independent state during the past two decades? What are the prospects of its being able to meet any future threats to its security? These are the two major questions which this study attempts to answer and, in doing do, it covers the various dimensions of Kuwaiti national security. In this study we examine the threats to Kuwait's stability and security arising from domestic sources and those originating from other states. To deal with these actual and potential threats, the Kuwaiti government has adopted several policies aimed at utilizing the country's military, diplomatic, political and financial resources to enhance its overall security. The success of these policies over the last two decades in lessening threats to Kuwait's security is likely to continue in the foreseeable future despite recent developments in the region. This study contains three sections in addition to the introduction and the conclusion. The first section provides an overview of Kuwait's historical evolution from a small settlement in the seventeenth century to its present status. It then studies the present socio-economic conditions including the composition of the population of Kuwait, the economic activities, and the oil sector. Finally, it reviews the internal political environment, including the roles played by various political institutions and forces within the polity. The second section assesses the internal threat to Kuwait's security, both actual and potential, and the country's internal security capabilities. Next it explores external threats within and outside the Gulf region, and Kuwait's efforts to strengthen its military capabilities. The third section covers Kuwait's diplomacy, the country's role in regional politics, its ability to take advantage of regional power configuration, and its efforts to strengthen relations with other countries. It also describes the various channels of Kuwaiti foreign aid and analyzes how this aid contributes to Kuwait's national objectives. Chapter IX includes a summary of the findings of this study.

Abstract not available

Current opinion pieces ask broad questions such as "Is the ICC worth it" while only focusing on a specific aspect of the ICC such as its budget or the work of the Office of the Prosecutor. Given the incredibly complex nature of human rights violations as well as the difficulty in assembling an international regime to deal with them, answering such questions requires a more complete analysis of the Court's functions, dynamics, and predecessors. The background chapter that discussed trends in international judicial organizations leading up to the creation of the ICC examined the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal, the interregnum national commissions, the Spanish Universal Jurisdiction system, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, addressing key pitfalls that such organizations faced (including victors' justice and unilateralism) while noting how the ICC's policies and structure differed from its predecessors'. The dynamics chapter highlighted eight key elements currently affecting how the Court works– the member states who have ratified the Rome Statute, the Court's ability to apprehend criminals, the international response to ICC actions, how prosecutions may be initiated, the explicit and implicit functions of the Court, its consensus policymaking, the Court's budget and finances, and the role of the United States. With these dynamics in mind, the policy alternatives chapter recommended three actions that could serve to strengthen the ICC's capabilities – increasing its member states, increasing compliance with its warrants through different types of international agreements, and increasing its budget to be able to handle more cases. Following these policy alternatives to their likely outcomes in the policy forecast section, I analyzed how they would affect the ICC's effectiveness, its ability to gain more member states, and the member states themselves. Through this more comprehensive analysis that takes into account the external and internal factors affecting the ICC, this thesis offers realistic ways that the ICC can improve its capabilities and achieve its mission of ending impunity for war criminals.

Thesis (doctoral)--University of York, 1997. / BLDSC reference no.: DX201769.

Revised PhD. Thesis--University of Cambridge, 1996. / Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Revised PhD. thesis - University of Cambridge, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

Thèse : Droit : Utrecht : 1983. / Proefschrift : Rechtsgeleerdheid : Utrecht, Rijksuniversiteit te Utrecht : 1983. - Publié à Deventer, d'après Brinkman's. - Bibliogr. p. 295-307. Index. -

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2007. Graduate Programme in Education. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 238-250). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR32071