Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, June, 2007. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Southern California, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 219-235).

No description available.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. / This thesis examines the origins and implications of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) established in 2001 by China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. It analyzes the organization from the Chinese, Russian, and Central Asian states' perspective. Chinese and Russian motives for creating the SCO appear to have been threefold. First, both sought an organization dedicated to providing security and stability to the Central Asian region. Second, both wished to foster stronger economic ties with the oil and natural gas-rich former Soviet republics. Finally, both favored stemming the influence of external powers, notably the United States. The Central Asian states' motives for joining the SCO emanate from security and economic needs. The increase in the U.S. military presence in the region since October 2001 has drawn no response from the SCO. Although some Russian politicians and military officers have criticized it, the governments of China and Russia seam to realize that the U.S. presence may help bring stability to the Central Asian region. Many uncertainties burden the SCO's future. It may constitute another failed attempt to establish a security alliance or turn into a significant voice in international politics, especially with the inclusion of additional members. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / The thesis describes how civil-military relations at the international level enhance international security, in particular, the way of development of international society in trying to orient its progress towards international peace, security and sustainable development. It focuses upon civil-military relationships in the League of Nations and the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, The International Committee of Red Cross. The thesis identifies particular types of relationships created by these international organizations and explains how participants influence each other. A short historical overview of emerging international civil-military relationships shows how civil-military relationships have developed at international level. The ongoing Iraq crises illustrates how civil-military relationships are functioning and serving for enhancing international security. The examples and the analyses have shown that the international community has made great progress toward establishing norms of civil-military relations, while trying to regulate behavior of independent states. From ad-hoc experiments included a system of agreements under the International Red Cross, and then the community recognized the need to control military forces as it created the League of Nations that established a strictly centrally managed, or authoritarian, civil-military relationship system on the base of the accumulated knowledge and experience of aristocratic societies. The United Nations, created also in the aftermath of a world war, established decentralized civil-military relationships that have a robust array of interactions and well-defined policy-formulating bodies, the General Assembly and the Security Council, but never gotits standing army etc. / Major, Hungarian Army

No description available.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003. / Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Karen Guttieri. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-70). Also available online.

Over the last twenty years, the People's Republic of China has exhibited behaviour consistent with that of a great power attempting to elevate itself to a global power, with monumental effects on the evolving international order. Unlike rising global powers of the past, China faces two powerful constraints, which have prevented the country from taking the traditional paths of territorial expansion and political-economic domination in order to develop as a global power. The first obstacle has been the presence of the United States, which became the world's only superpower after the cold war. The second is the existence of nuclear weapons, which has made direct great-power conflict unacceptably costly. Faced with these barriers, China has chosen a more distinctive path to greater power acquisition via a post-cold war international system containing more institutions than ever before. The main argument of this thesis is that China's opening to international institutions has developed into a key component, more than that of previous rising global powers, in that country's multilateral approach to foreign policy and to the advancement of state power. This method of power acquisition is in opposition to traditional realist theories, which have not recognised such cooperation as being crucial to global power development. / Within the analyses of this thesis, four case studies of international institutions with which China aligned itself will be assessed using six "goods" which Beijing has been determined to pursue through these institutions (state security, regime security, information acquisition, economic benefits, an improved position vis-a-vis other great powers, and prestige). Two cases are primarily economic institutions, the World Trade Organisation and two "exclusive economic regimes", the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC) and the newer, more informal "ASEAN-plus-three" (AP3) grouping. The other two cases, primarily strategic organisations, are the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the embryonic Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). These case studies illustrate the growing importance which China has placed on international institutions as a means of developing a more effective foreign policy, while simultaneously protecting valuable domestic interests, all in the name of reaching for global power status.

In 1998 the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (the "OECD") commenced a campaign to eliminate harmful tax competition focusing on geographically mobile activities. The OECD targeted 35 jurisdictions and demanded that those nations amend their tax laws to remove the harmful features that provided more favorable tax treatment to geographically mobile capital than was available in some of its Member States. This thesis examines the international responsibility of the OECD and its Member States to determine whether their conduct in waging this campaign is in accordance with the international legal principles of state sovereignty and non-intervention. As an international actor with legal personality, the conduct of the OECD is found to engage its international responsibility for the breach of state sovereignty and non-intervention. The Member States in support of the OECD's actions are found to have primary and secondary responsibility under international law for the OEOD's actions.