The study examined the relationship between mass uprisings and insurgencies and the impact of international involvement on escalation of mass uprisings into an insurgency. The research used the insurgencies of the LRA (Uganda); RUF (Sierra Leone), Boko Haram (Nigeria) and Al-Shabaab (Somalia) as well as the mass uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya as case studies. The study established that insurgencies in Africa that relied primarily on terrorism and violence explain criminal rather than political violence. While the mass uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya revealed normal patterns of conflict, it was established that the case of Libya was a hybrid of mass uprising and insurgent methods that leaned towards a description of a new category of insurgency. The study further confirmed that internal conditions in a state and the nature of international involvement define the outcomes of a mass uprising or an insurgency in terms of escalation, duration and termination. The comprehensive humanitarian interventions in the insurgencies of the LRA, Boko Haram, Al-Shabaab and the R2P intervention in Libya escalated violence and conflict continuation. In contrast, the limited involvement in the mass uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt resulted in low levels of violence, while the intervention in Sierra Leone terminated the RUF insurgency in view of the associated DDR and institutional building programmes. The study recommends that since humanitarian and military interventions invariably escalate violence and increased fatalities, interventions to end conflicts (mass uprisings and insurgencies) must be based an incremental use of force as a complement to peaceful negotiations. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Political Sciences / DPhil / Unrestricted

yes / Over the last quarter century post-conflict and post-authoritarian transitions in Latin America have been accompanied by a surge in social violence, acquisitive crime, and insecurity. These phenomena have been driven by an expanding international narcotics trade, by the long-term effects of civil war and counter-insurgency (resulting in, inter alia, an increased availability of small arms and a pervasive grammar of violence), and by structural stresses on society (unemployment, hyper-inflation, widening income inequality). Local police forces proved to be generally ineffective in preventing, resolving, or detecting such crime and forms of “new violence”3 due to corruption, frequent complicity in criminal networks, poor training and low pay, and the routine use of excessive force without due sanction. Why, then, have governments been slow to prioritize police reform and why have reform efforts borne largely “limited or nonexistent” long-term results? This chapter highlights a number of lessons suggested by various efforts to reform the police in Latin America over the period 1995-2010 . It focuses on two clusters of countries in Latin America. One is Brazil and the Southern Cone countries (Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay), which made the transition to democracy from prolonged military authoritarian rule in the mid- to late 1980s. The other is Central America and the Andean region (principally El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Peru, and Colombia), which emerged/have been emerging from armed conflict since the mid- 1990s. The chapter examines first the long history of international involvement in police and security sector reform in order to identify long-run tropes and path dependencies. It then focuses on a number of recurring themes: cycles of de- and re-militarization of the policing function; the “security gap” and “democratization dilemmas” involved in structural reforms; the opportunities offered by decentralization for more community-oriented police; and police capacity to resist reform and undermine accountability mechanisms.

Submitted by CARLA MARIA GOULART DE MORAES (carlagm) on 2015-04-01T15:00:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 IlocirFuhrAdministracao.pdf: 829148 bytes, checksum: 4e50d0501a8e69360a7e711892d32a60 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-01T15:00:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 IlocirFuhrAdministracao.pdf: 829148 bytes, checksum: 4e50d0501a8e69360a7e711892d32a60 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-24 / Banco Santander / Banespa / O objetivo do presente estudo foi pesquisar a relação existente entre estágios de envolvimento internacional e a performance internacional de empresas brasileiras. Assim, foi realizada ampla revisão de literatura contemplando aspectos atinentes à internacionalização de empresas, principalmente relacionados aos modelos de estágios de envolvimento internacional e performance internacional. Foi necessária a adaptação de um modelo de estágios de envolvimento e a escolha de uma escala para mensuração da performance internacional das empresas. O modelo teórico deste estudo compreendeu três hipóteses de pesquisa, as quais foram testadas numa amostra de 126 empresas brasileiras, localizadas no Rio Grande do Sul, um estado do Sul do Brasil, durante o segundo semestre de 2010. Sugeriu-se, baseado na literatura pesquisada, que as empresas avançam (ou até mesmo recuam) pelos estágios de envolvimento internacional conforme a complexidade da estratégia de internacionalização adotada e de acordo com sua dependência do faturamento internacional. Verificou-se, pelo presente estudo, que empresas que adotam estratégias de maior complexidade têm, em média, performance internacional superior. Além disso, esta pesquisa revelou que empresas que possuem maior dependência do faturamento internacional também têm, em média, performance internacional superior. Ainda, este estudo constatou, principalmente, que quanto maior o envolvimento internacional da empresa, maior será a sua performance internacional. Por fim, esta pesquisa também mostra outras conclusões relacionadas à internacionalização das empresas. / The objective of the present study was to investigate the existent relationship between international involvement stages and international performance of Brazilian companies. So, a wide literature review was accomplished contemplating aspects about the internationalization of the companies, mainly related to international involvement stage models and international performance. It was necessary to adapt an involvement stage model and to choose a scale for measuring the companies international performance. The theoretical model of this study comprehended three research hypotheses, which were tested in a sample of 126 Brazilian companies located in Rio Grande do Sul, a south Brazilian state, during the second semester of 2010. It was suggested, based on the researched literature, that companies advance (or even retreat) through the international involvement stages according to the internationalization complexity of the strategy and in agreement with its dependence on international revenue. It was verified, for the present study, that companies which adopt strategies of larger complexity have, on average, better international performance. Besides, this research revealed that companies which have larger dependence on international revenue also have, on average, better international performance. Still, this study verified, mainly, the higher the international involvement of the company, the greater will be its international performance. Finally, this research also shows other conclusions related to the internationalization of companies.

Gender provisions have the overarching goal of enhancing gender equality, however few peace agreements include strong gender provisions. The presence of strong gender provisions in ceasefire agreements has crucial implications in the immediate and post-conflict phase in improving women’s situation. I use structured, focused comparison in this study to explore when and how strong gender provisions on violence against women are adopted. I focus on conflicts with a high prevalence of sexual violence and contexts where women mobilize in the conflict to advocate for women’s rights. I demonstrate the relationship between international involvement and strong gender provisions. I argue that in civil wars with a high level of international involvement in support of peace, ceasefire agreements are more likely to include strong gender provisions on violence against women. This is possible through the mechanism of international actors serving as brokers for the women’s movement that is already mobilized to access and influence the peace process. This mechanism is particularly crucial for autocratic countries where women’s mobilization is not sufficient to lead to strong gender provisions. However, the findings are applicable to countries with other regime types.