Among the most important choices made by groups fighting a civil war -- governments and rebels alike -- is how to allocate available military and pecuniary resources across the contested areas of a conflict-ridden territory. Combatants use military force to coerce and money to persuade and co-opt. A vast body of literature in political science and security studies examines how and where combatants in civil wars apply violence. Scholars, however, have devoted less attention to combatants' use of material inducements to attain their objectives. This dissertation proposes a logic that guides combatants' use of material benefits alongside military force in pursuit of valuable support from communities in the midst of civil war. Focused on the interaction between the military and the local population, the theory envisions a bargaining process between a commander and a community whose support he seeks. The outcome of the bargaining process is a fiscal strategy defined by the extent to which material benefits are distributed diffusely or targeted narrowly. That outcome follows from key characteristics of the community in question that include its sociopolitical solidarity (or fragmentation) and its economic resilience (or vulnerability). I evaluate the theory of fiscal strategies through a series of case studies from the Philippine-American War of 1899-1902. As a further test of external validity, I consider the theory's applicability to key events from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. / Government

Following the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001, the Bush administration articulated an anti-terrorism grand strategy of armed democratisation in the Middle East that constituted the heart of the “Bush Doctrine.” This strategy derived primarily from the framework of activist democracy promotion developed by neoconservatives, and reached its apex in 2003 when it served as the rationale for regime change in Iraq as the fulcrum for the democratic transformation of the Arab world. Yet by 2008, the Bush administration's democratisation policies and many elements of the broader neoconservative framework of democracy promotion have been significantly scaled back as a result of the challenges they have faced in the Arab world - to the extent that both are now entering a state of decline. In seeking to assess the development, assumptions and outcomes to date of the United States' post-September 11 anti-terrorism strategy in the Middle East, this thesis offers a critical account of the rise and decline of the “neoconservative moment” in American foreign policy as exemplified by the Bush Doctrine's Middle East democratisation policies. This thesis examines the origins, evolution and claims of the neoconservative paradigm of armed democracy promotion; it relates these to the justifications for interventionist democratisation in the Middle East present in the terms of the Bush Doctrine; and it assesses some of the key critiques made of these assumptions over the past five years. Unlike a number of studies of the Bush Doctrine and neoconservatism, this thesis takes seriously the Bush Doctrine's claims and neoconservative beliefs as a genuine intellectual framework for intervention, consistently examining their assertions on their own terms. Further, this thesis utilises an interdisciplinary approach of study, adopting a number of the methods and analytical tools of history and political science in making its arguments and reaching its conclusions.

This study, which may be considered the first of its kind to be conducted on Bahraini newspapers, attempted to provide an insight on the inner workings of these newspapers. The knowledge from this study provides a spring board for other studies to follow and venture into ethnic backgrounds and its affect on media coverage.The main focus was on the coverage of the war in Iraq by two Bahraini newspapers (Al Ayam and Al Wasat) and the gatekeeping process. Both newspapers exhibited a gatekeeping process which was influenced by their ethnic background. Editors of both Al Ayam and Al Wasat exercised gatekeeping on the stories that they published about the war in Iraq promoting their own ethnic group (Sunni or Shiite).The findings in this study presented a new characteristic that seemed to have a direct influence on the gatekeeping process. Ethnic background has never been associated with the gatekeeping process in news coverage. Results of the content analysis undertaken in this study reflected how the ethnic backgrounds of the editors in both newspapers did influence news selection and newspreference. / Department of Journalism

Thesis (M.M.A.S.)--US Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. / Cover title. AD-A463 835. Includes bibliographical references (p. 58-60). Electronic version available on the Public STINET.

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 134-140). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Georgetown University, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Nonviolent Change Journal helps to network the peace community: providing dialoguing, exchanges of ideas, articles, reviews, reports and announcements of the activities of peace related groups and meetings, reviews of world developments relating to nonviolent change and resource information concerning the development of human relations on the basis of mutual respect. The Nonviolent Change Journal is published by the Research/Action Team on Nonviolent Large Systems Change, an interorganizational and international project of The Organization Development Institute.

Orientador: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Héctor Luis Saint Pierre / Banca: Rafael Antonio Duarte Villa / O programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituido em parceria com a UNESP/UNICAMP/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, o governo dos Estados Unidos aprofundou o processo de securitização do chamado terrorismo fundamentalista nos marcos da "Guerra ao terror", identificando-o como uma ameaça existencial ao país. Iniciativas imediatas foram tomadas, após a edição do Patriot Act, que aumentaram o poder de ação repressiva do Estado e que possibilitaram intervenções militares no exterior, como no Afeganistão, ainda em 2001, e no Iraque, em 2003. Agir pela via da excepcionalidade possibilita aos Estados fornecer respostas rápidas para questões emergenciais no cenário internacional. A opção pela exceção, por ser uma escolha política, está envolta em uma séria de componentes ideacionais que contribuíram para a tomada de decisão. Considera-se, portanto, que no caso da segunda Guerra do Iraque o entendimento do processo de securitização só pode ser completo se levado em consideração tanto o desencadeamento político quanto a fundamentação ideacional que o conformou. A consideração desses fatores também é fundamental para averiguar as antinomias e fragilidades da teoria de securitização quando aplicada a este caso concreto / Abstract: After the attacks of September 11, 2001, the U.S. government intensified the process of securitization in response to the fundamentalist terrorism within the framework of the "war on terror", identifying it as an existential threat to the United States. Immediate initiatives were taken, after sanctioning the Patriot Act, which increased the power of repressive action and that allowed military interventions in Afghanistan, in 2001, and Iraq in 2003. Exceptionality acts enable states to provide quick responses to emergency issues on the international scene. The choice of exception, as a political choice, is marked by a series of ideational components that contributed to that decision. Therefore, in the case of the second Iraq War the understanding of the securitization process can only be complete if taken into consideration both the political process and the ideational foundations that conformed the securitizing movement. The consideration of these factors is also crucial to ascertain the antinomies and weaknesses of securitization theory when applied to this case / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-02T11:16:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014Bitstream added on 2014-12-02T11:20:48Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000787105.pdf: 439492 bytes, checksum: 6eec42d8e3efaa4a2b636fd851e4c7ec (MD5) / O objetivo desta dissertação é fazer uma investigação a respeito do impacto e influência que a diplomacia, em sua vertente multilateral, pode ter sobre a opção dos membros do governo dos EUA em fazerem uso de suas forças armadas no exterior. A análise é desenvolvida com base no estudo de caso específico da Guerra contra o Iraque, que teve início em março de 2003. Primeiramente desenvolvemos uma delimitação conceitual do que entendemos por unilateralismo e multilateralismo como sendo categorias de classificação do grau de abertura e influência de outros atores na política externa de um determinado Estado. Em seguida, fazemos uma revisão bibliográfica da história da política externa norte-americana, identificando os sentidos e possíveis fontes respectivas do unilateralismo e multilateralismo neste panorama, e quais as suas especificidades. Finalmente, desenvolvemos a análise proposta, através da contextualização da questão iraquiana e do envolvimento norte-americano nela, para em seguida identificarmos na ação dos EUA o grau em que sua atuação diplomática envolveu outros atores e interesses, com vistas a realizarmos uma gradação do seu multilateralismo ou unilateralismo e se esta categorização serve para o melhor entendimento do papel que a diplomacia teria na política externa dos EUA especificamente no caso da guerra resultante deste processo. Nossas conclusões apontam para um balanço complexo, pois as fontes trabalhadas indicam uma forte vocação unilateral na escolha da opção militar para desarmar o Iraque. Porém, ao mesmo tempo é possível notar que houve um amplo e sistemático esforço de convencer aliados e especialmente o Conselho de Segurança da ONU da legitimidade e da necessidade da ação militar contra o Iraque. E este esforço parece não ter sido mais insistente por conta de condições domésticas favoráveis a guerra, como o apoio do Congresso... / The objective of this dissertation is to make an investigation about the impact and influence that diplomacy in its multilateral expression may have in the option of using military forces abroad by members of the government of the United States. The analysis is developed for the specific case of the Iraq war, which started in March 2003. First we present one conceptual understanding of unilateralism and multilateralism as categories of classification of the degree of openness and influence of others actors in the foreign affairs of one State. After this we make one bibliographical review of the history of United States foreign affairs, identifying the meanings and the possible sources of unilateralism and multilateralism in its development, and which are their specificities. Then, we develop the proposed analysis, through the details about the context of the Iraqi crisis and north American involvement in it, and afterwards we identify in the United States action the degree in which its diplomatic action involved others actors and interests, for the purpose of having a scale of its multilateralism or unilateralism. Then we evaluate if these categories are useful for the better understanding of the role diplomacy may have in the United States foreign policy, specifically in the case of the war. Our conclusions points out a complex balance, since our sources indicate a strong unilateral tendency in the choice about the military option to disarm Iraq. However, at the same time we could see an wide and systematic effort to convince allies and specially the UN Security Council of the legitimacy and the need of the military action against Iraq. This effort appears to not have been more insistent on the account of the favorable domestic conditions for the war, with the support of US Congress, and the threat of a veto openly made by others member of the UN, fact which would potentially neutralize any chance of approval of one second resolution with...