Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-02T11:16:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-02-10Bitstream added on 2014-12-02T11:20:48Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000787023.pdf: 692799 bytes, checksum: 5b6ef9c328f40c8a9148d35a320c965a (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, o governo dos Estados Unidos aprofundou o processo de securitização do chamado terrorismo fundamentalista nos marcos da “Guerra ao terror”, identificando-o como uma ameaça existencial ao país. Iniciativas imediatas foram tomadas, após a edição do Patriot Act, que aumentaram o poder de ação repressiva do Estado e que possibilitaram intervenções militares no exterior, como no Afeganistão, ainda em 2001, e no Iraque, em 2003. Agir pela via da excepcionalidade possibilita aos Estados fornecer respostas rápidas para questões emergenciais no cenário internacional. A opção pela exceção, por ser uma escolha política, está envolta em uma séria de componentes ideacionais que contribuíram para a tomada de decisão. Considera-se, portanto, que no caso da segunda Guerra do Iraque o entendimento do processo de securitização só pode ser completo se levado em consideração tanto o desencadeamento político quanto a fundamentação ideacional que o conformou. A consideração desses fatores também é fundamental para averiguar as antinomias e fragilidades da teoria de securitização quando aplicada a este caso concreto. / After the attacks of September 11, 2001, the U.S. government intensified the process of securitization in response to the fundamentalist terrorism within the framework of the war on terror, identifying it as an existential threat to the United States. Immediate initiatives were taken, after sanctioning the Patriot Act, which increased the power of repressive action and that allowed military interventions in Afghanistan, in 2001, and Iraq in 2003. Exceptionality acts enable states to provide quick responses to emergency issues on the international scene. The choice of exception, as a political choice, is marked by a series of ideational components that contributed to that decision. Therefore, in the case of the second Iraq War the understanding of the securitization process can only be complete if taken into consideration both the political process and the ideational foundations that conformed the securitizing movement. The consideration of these factors is also crucial to ascertain the antinomies and weaknesses of securitization theory when applied to this case.

Orientador: Reginaldo Nasser / Banca: Antonio Pedro Tota / Banca: Igor Fuser / O programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituido em parceria com a UNESP/UNICAMP/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a percepção e o posicionamento do jornal americano The New York Times sobre a Guerra do Iraque conduzida por George W. Bush em 2003. Também será trabalhada a questão da relação entre mídia e governo. O alicerce teórico do trabalho consiste de literatura do campo de relações internacionais, política externa americana e comunicação política. A parte empírica omplicará na tentativa de estabelecer uma correlação entre o tom e o conteúdo dos editoriais do referido jornal e a popularidade do presidente durante a guerra / Abstract: This study aims to analyze the perception and positioning of the American newspaper The New York Times about the Iraq war led by George W. Bush in 2003. It will also approach the question of the relationship between media and government. The theoretical foundation of the work consists of the literature of the field of international relations, American foreign policy and political communication. The empirical part will involve the attempt to establish a correlation between the tone and content of the newspaper editorials and the president's popularity during the war / Mestre

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-01-15T17:10:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Garcia, Maria Clara-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1320452 bytes, checksum: f422386cba5a9dee9df79b8d90a474e6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-01-15T17:10:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Garcia, Maria Clara-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1320452 bytes, checksum: f422386cba5a9dee9df79b8d90a474e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Universidade Federal Fluminense. Programa de Pós-Graduação em História / Este trabalho tem como objetivo principal analisar os filmes de ficção norte-americanos sobre a Guerra do Iraque produzidos entre 2003 e 2010, associando-os ao mito da guerra e à opinião pública sobre o conflito. Inscrevendo-se na perspectiva da ―história do tempo presente‖, a pesquisa foi motivada pela preocupação com os rumos da política externa estadunidense no século XXI e pela importância da cultura da mídia na vida contemporânea. O cinema, concebido dialeticamente como produto e agente social, é uma rica fonte para a compreensão dos elementos que permeiam o mito da guerra em geral e de cada conflito em particular. Ao mesmo tempo, o discurso crítico sustentado pelos filmes que abordam a Guerra do Iraque se relaciona à opinião pública norte-americana, que se tornou gradualmente contrária à guerra ao longo dos anos. Buscou-se, ainda, traçar uma hipótese explicativa para o surpreendente fracasso nas bilheterias dessas obras. Por fim, adotando a caracterização da cultura da mídia como um terreno de disputas, procuramos avaliar, através do estudo dos filmes, se é possível produzir cinema de dissenso em Hollywood. / This paper has a its main goal the analysis of American movies about the Iraq War produced between 2003 and 2010, associating them with the myth of war and also with the public opinion about the conflict. Within the perspective of "present time history", this research was motivated by several concerns with the foreing politics of the United States in the 21st century and the importance of media culture in contemporary life. Cinema is conceived both as a product and as a social agent, becoming a rich source for the understanding of the elements involved in the myth of war in general and in each particular conflict. At the same time, the criticism present in several movies the about Iraq War relates to the American public opinion, which gradually turned against that war. We also tried to find explanation for the suprisingly low financial return from these movies. Finally, defining the media culture as a field for disputes and debates, we tried to evaluate if it is possible to produc dissent in Hollywood cinema.

Orientador: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira / Banca: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / Banca: Deisy de Freitas Lima Ventura / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Entre março de 2003 e junho de 2004, os Estados Unidos da América, em conjunto com a Grã-Bretanha, ocuparam o Iraque e obtiveram o status de Autoridade Provisória emitido pelo Conselho de Segurança da Organização das Nações Unidas (CSONU) na Resolução 1483 para reconstruir o Estado iraquiano após a derrubada do Regime Baath. Pela primeira vez desde o final da segunda Guerra Mundial, uma potência ganhava status de força ocupante pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), sem ser um mandato da ONU propriamente, como usualmente nas operações de paz (Peacekeeping operations) regidas pelo órgão internacional. A invasão do Iraque em 2003, contou com um consenso no pensamento político norteamericano no qual os EUA teriam a responsabilidade e o dever de derrubar o regime de Saddam Hussein, que supostamente cometia crimes contra humanidade, representava uma ameaça à segurança internacional. Em grande medida, a fórmula norte-americana para a invasão e ocupação do Iraque consistiu em justificar suas ações em termos de "razão humanitária" e legitimá-las por meio de mecanismos jurídicos. A execução do plano de ocupação do Iraque contou com um papel fundamental de membros da elite iraquiana da oposição ao Regime Baath em apoio a agenda das potências anglo-americanas. Entretanto, se esse inédito processo de statebuilding for analisado deixando de lado essas premissas humanitárias, ao contrário do que fazem as análises mainstream de política externa dos EUA, pode-se identificar possíveis benefícios político-econômicos consequentes a esse projeto de reconstrução do Iraque. A partir da análise dos documentos oficiais da Coalizão de Autoridade Provisória (CAP) e o questionamento às premissas liberais internacionalistas que pautaram a justificativa e posteriormente as críticas aos resultados da administração ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Between March 2003 and June 2004, the United States of America (US), together with Britain, occupied Iraq and obtained the status of Provisional Authority granted by the UN Security Council in Resolution 1483 to rebuild the Iraqi state after the overthrow of the Baath Regime. For the first time since the end of World War II, an international power gained occupying power status through United Nations (UN), without being a UN proper mandate, as usually in peacekeeping operations governed by the international body. The 2003 invasion of Iraq had a consensus in American political though that the United States would have the responsibility and duty to overthrow Saddam's regime, which allegedly committed crimes against humanity, posed a threat to international security. To a large extent, the American formula for the invasion and occupation of Iraq consisted in justifying its actions in terms of "humanitarian reason" and legitimizing them by means of legal mechanisms. Implementation of the Iraq occupation plan had a key role for members of the Iraqi opposition elite to the Baath Regime in support of the Anglo-American powers agenda. However, if this unprecedented statebuilding process is analyzed by leaving aside these humanitarian premises, unlike the mainstream US foreign policy analysis, one can identify possible political-economic benefits that result from this reconstruction project in Iraq. Based on the analysis of the official documents of the Provisional Authority Coalition (CPA) and questioning the internationalist liberal premises that guided the justification and later criticism of the results of CPA administration, we were able to identify possible political-economic benefits to the US and its corporations during The 14 months of occupation. Particularly in the energy, agriculture, security services and infrastructure ... - (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Tony Blair’s extraordinary decision to ask for Parliament’s approval for British military deployment in the Iraq War prompted lingering questions about who decides on matters of war and peace in modern Britain. His successors’ use, and thereby confirmation, of the new parliamentary prerogative suggested a fundamental reorganization of war powers in British politics, giving Parliament a significantly stronger position in the realm of foreign affairs. This paper argues that a number of factors, like a Prime Minister’s leadership style, the role Cabinet and the civil service, and Parliament’s governing disadvantages that makes it difficult for Members of Parliament to assert themselves proactively rather than reactively, make the prospect of a “War Powers Act” enshrining Parliament’s constitutional role in authorizing war highly unlikely.

The purpose of this study was to identify health and emotional-related issues of service members after a deployment to Iraq. Secondary data analysis and a cross-sectional descriptive design, were used to analyze data from the Department of Defense Post Deployment Health Assessment (PDHA) database. The cognitive appraisal model of stress and coping (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984) guided this study. Several statistical techniques were used including: frequency distributions cross tab evaluations, factor analysis, reliability calculations, regression analysis and tests for mediation. The study sample included 510, 352 service members (49,998 females, 460,349 males) with a mean age of 29 years. The sample represented all components and branches of the military. Of the total sample, 51.9% (n=264,777) saw wounded, killed or dead individuals and 22.1% (n=112,620) discharged their weapon in combat. Environmental exposures were an important source of stress. Exposures to sand and dust were the largest complaint (89.8% of the sample). Multiple physical symptoms were identified and 40% of the sample reported four or more symptoms (e.g. diarrhea, back pain, headache, fatigue). PTSD symptoms were identified in 11.8% (n = 60,200) and depressive symptoms in 26.5%, (n=123,808) of participants. Results of the study indicated that age, gender, rank, race/ethnicity, military component and branch were important predictors of emotional and health-related concerns in this sample. Appraisal variables (danger of being killed and exposure concerns) mediated the relationship between immediate (physical and depressive symptoms) and long term outcomes (health perception, PTSD symptoms) for the majority of the analyses; supporting the study hypothesis. However, length of deployment did not have a significant impact on stress-related outcomes in this study. Implications for practice, policy and future research are discussed.

No description available.

The role of the media before and during the Iraq war in 2003 in the United States still resonates topic. Journalists are often criticized for failing to fulfill their roles and violations of journalistic standards. This thesis deals with the balance of articles in two national newspapers, The New York Times and The Washington Post, in the period before the invasion of Iraq, specifically from the August 2002 until the invasion on March 19, 2003. The thesis is a quantitative content analysis of the articles from the front pages of these newspapers. The main hypothesis of the research is that, according to criticism that the media received, there should be more sources supportive of the administration of George W. Bush and almost no opposition. The thesis examines, whether journalists followed the norm of balance of sources, or whether is the criticism justified. The result is, that despite the lack of opposition on the domestic political scene, journalist found the opposition sources abroad. Reporting of these two newspapers were, in terms of used sources, balanced.

The United States was throughout the history engaged in several conflicts which had a character of counterinsurgency. These are - among others- War in Vietnam and second War in Iraq. These two conflicts are examined in this diploma thesis. Author poses a question how did counterinsurgency tactics evolved in both conflicts. The second question is whether the United States implemented counterinsurgency experiences from Vietnam War in Iraq War and if so, how they were implemented. The United States developed several counterinsurgency programs and the most of them were successful - they prevented Vietcong from spreading its influence in South Vietnam. However these programs were often poorly financed, or they did not gain enough support from The US Army, because the Army prefered conventional approach in fighting against communists. The United States fought a conventional warfare in the first few years of Iraq War and it had not succeeded in garnering popularity among civilians. The change came with a new commander- general David Petraeus. Petraeus was inspired by the experiences from the Vietnam War (and other conflicts) and he concentrated his effort on providing safety to Iraqi population. This strategy paid off and the Army had much less losses during his command then during the pre - 2007 period....

The Horse Latitudes is a collection of stories that documents one infantry squad's time in Baghdad, Iraq. The missions are long stretches of boredom, broken up by flashes of violence. The single sniper shot fired. An IED loosely buried in the roadside, waiting. A schoolyard of kids throwing fist-sized rocks at gun-trucks. The enemy is vast and changing. The downtime is a combination of homesickness, RPGs, and mortar fire. These men suffer through the war, heat, and each other. These stories look into the fire-fights and their aftermath to get to soldiers' struggles within themselves: how to fight a faceless enemy, what it means to serve, how one soldiers, what makes a man, what makes a good man, what will it mean to die here, and what does it mean not to. This collection dismisses what we think we know about war -- violence, camaraderie, masculinity, enemy, victory -- in order to tell a harder, truer story.