Thesis (M.A.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2005. / Thesis advisor: Norton Mezvinsky. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in History." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-141). Also available via the World Wide Web.

The PFLP represents a violent Marxist trend among Palestinian political organizations. It is uncompromisingly hostile toward Israel, the industrialized West and the West's regional allies, and rejects any settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict which does not entail both Israel's elimination and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on all land it claims as Palestine. Until this occurs, the PFLP remains committed to armed conflict with its enemies. This study attempts to explain the PFLP's lagging position within the Palestinian national movement by comparing its policies with Fatah's. Unlike the PFLP, Fatah's overriding concern was to establish a Palestinian authority on any portion of 'liberated land' and consider the question of Israel's existence later. Fatah's selection of supporters was never conditioned upon ideological compatibility. It formed coalitions with all interested parties and accepted assistance from all willing providers. Most importantly, Fatah - as the PLO's dominant faction - transformed itself from an underground group to a quasi-government with diplomatic status and later, to leadership of the PNA in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Fatah's flexibility enabled it to survive regional and global changes. In the unipolar international order which followed the Soviet bloc's collapse in 1991, the PLO courted the United States and its allies, participated in the Arab-Israeli peace process, and was rewarded with authority over part of the Palestinian 'homeland'. The PFLP, spurning change, refused to act likewise. From its Damascus headquarters, it can currently do nothing without the Syrian government's approval and Syria, on the verge of a peace agreement with Israel, is unlikely to allow its protege to do more than issue statements. Only an imaginative and bold move by the PFLP, at this point, can restore the organization's prestige among its constituents and notoriety among its enemies.

The research investigated the legal status of the Sulha in the criminal law of the State of Israel. This research is a qualitative-interpretative-exploratory single case study. Its main goal was to create scientific and professional knowledge with practical ramifications for the judicial world, as well as to develop a new theory and model of the Israeli criminal process that would allow for the incorporation of Sulha within the Israeli criminal process. The qualitative data collection methods and sources used were structured interviews, a Delphi survey, documents, the researcher's professional experience and a personal diary. The 16 interviewees were professional, credible, trustworthy and expert people in their field. Seven (7) experts in the field made up the Delphi panel. The research met all of its goals and objectives of the study questions: What is the legal status of Sulha in Israeli criminal law? How can the Sulha be incorporated in Israeli criminal law, and what contribution would Sulha make in this respect? What action is required for Sulha to be incorporated in Israeli criminal law? The findings showed that criminal statutory laws, Israeli courts, and parole committees do not recognize the Sulha as an alternative conflict settlement venue in criminal cases. The findings showed that Israeli courts and parole committees have two principal approaches to the question of the legal status of the institution of Sulha in Israeli criminal law. One approach refuses to grant the institution of Sulha any binding legal status in Israeli criminal law, while according to the other approach Sulha can serve as a consideration in a person’s favor, but not as a decisive consideration, and certainly not one that binds the courts or parole committees. The findings showed that it would be possible to enhance the Israeli criminal law by incorporating the Sulha within the criminal law. Incorporation of the Sulha in the Israeli criminal law would enhance and improve the Israeli criminal law by achieving speedy justice, by reducing the caseload of the courts, by increasing public confidence in the criminal process and the judicial activity, by reducing the frequency of erroneous judgments, by achieving restorative justice, by promoting reconciliation and by facilitating the achievement of peace between the parties affected by the criminal act. Further, the Sulha could contribute greatly to reconciliation and to the installment of peace in Israeli society and achieves restorative justice. A bill (law draft) has been prepared for the incorporation of the Sulha in the criminal law in Israel. The researcher is convinced that the Knesset (lsraeli Parlament) will approve it as soon as possible.

This dissertation presents an examination of the evolution of compositional style of Verdina Shlonsky, based on the analysis of selected piano compositions written in different periods of her life. The work examines the issues of defining Shlonsky’s style with regard to her philosophy, expressed in her numerous essays, concerning with the centrality of content. The central question of the evolution of Verdina Shlonsky’s style is addressed by identifying and listing its key characteristics, and tracing them in the three analyzed compositions, representing three different stages of her life. Shlonsky’s biography is compiled with a special focus on her musical development, and musical and non-musical influences to which she was exposed. Detailed formal and motivic analyses of the selected piano works uncover the formative elements of Shlonsky’s style. Each detailed analysis includes key information on the background of the composition, followed by performance guides addressing performance issues, and editorial sections comparing the Israel Music Institute (IMI) printed editions with the manuscripts. Based on Shlonsky’s written statements, describing her compositional esthetics, and on the analyses of the selected works, my dissertation posits that Shlonsky’s music is polystylistic, deliberately using of a variety of styles as expressive tools, and as ways to create continuity of tradition through dialogue with other composers from the past and present. My analyses also suggest that Shlonsky’s piano music from different periods share similar characteristics of style, presented in different proportions and contexts. The main purposes of this dissertation are to define Shlonsky’s compositional style and its evolution; to help performers to approach this unknown repertoire; to assist scholars in future research of Shlonsky’s legacy; and to disseminate knowledge about Verdina Shlonsky’s life and music to a wider audience.

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Cette thèse porte sur les événements libanais ayant entrainé à la crise libanaise de 1982 et les conséquences qui en découlèrent jusqu’à la signature de l’accord de Taef. Ce travail de recherche fait, en premier lieu, l’objet d’une étude des causes directes et indirectes qui s’accompagne d’un tableau des différents acteurs, internes et externes, impliqués dans cet évènement, ainsi que du rôle que chacun d’eux a joué durant cette crise. Tout ceci mène à une réflexion approfondie de l’année de 1982 durant laquelle l’armée israélienne a envahi le territoire libanais et assiégé la capitale du pays de cèdre. Cette réflexion se développe autour du rôle et des réactions des grandes puissances au Liban pendant l’opération de 1982, et plus largement au cours de la guerre civile, sans en omettre pour autant les conséquences que cet acte militaire a eu sur les israéliens et les palestiniens, notamment ceux du Liban. À l’issue de cette opération, le Liban entre dans une nouvelle phase de sa crise. Milices musulmanes et chrétiennes s’entretuent entre elles, le pays fut abandonné à son sort malgré quelques tentatives de réconciliation à Genève et à Lausanne. Cette analyse s’achève par un bilan détaillé de la période aboutissant à la fin de la guerre, avec la présence du général Aron au pouvoir et de ses aventures militaires, qui s’achèvent par la signature de l’accord de Taef. Ce dernier est une fabrication étrangère mise en place à l’aide d’outils libanais qui marque l’arrêt des combats et, officiellement, la fin de la guerre civile libanaise. Le Liban doit, à partir de ce moment-là, se reconstruire / This thesis focuses on the Lebanese events which led to the Lebanese crisis of 1982 and theconsequences that gushed up till the signing of the Taif Agreement. This work of research constitutes, in the first place, the object of a study of the direct and indirect causes which is accompanied by an array of actors, internal and external, involved in this event, and the role played by each of them in this crisis. All these lead to a further reflection of the year 1982, during which the Israeli army invaded Lebanon and besieged the capital of the country of cedars. This reflection is developed during the role and responses of major powers in Lebanon during the operation of 1982, and more widely during the Civil War, without omitting the consequences that this military action had on the Israelis and Palestinians, especially those inLebanon. Following this operation, Lebanon enters a new phase of its crisis; Muslim and Christian militias are fighting each other; the country was left to its fate despite some attempts at reconciliation in Geneva and Lausanne. This analysis ended by a detailed outcome of the period leading to the end of the war, in the presence of General Aoun in the authority and his military adventures, which ended with the signing of the Taif accord. The latter is a foreign fabrication established by Lebanese tools that marks the end of fighting and, officially, the end of the Lebanese civil war. Lebanon has, from that time, to rebuild

This dissertation examines the emergence of the 1978 Camp David Accords and the consequences for Israel, the Palestinians, and the wider Middle East. Utilizing archival sources and oral history interviews from across Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Camp David’s Shadow recasts the early history of the peace process. It explains how a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict with provisions for a resolution of the Palestinian question gave way to the facilitation of bilateral peace between Egypt and Israel. As recently declassified sources reveal, the completion of the Camp David Accords—via intensive American efforts— actually enabled Israeli expansion across the Green Line, undermining the possibility of Palestinian sovereignty in the occupied territories. By examining how both the concept and diplomatic practice of autonomy were utilized to address the Palestinian question, and the implications of the subsequent Israeli and U.S. military intervention in Lebanon, the dissertation explains how and why the Camp David process and its aftermath adversely shaped the prospects of a negotiated settlement between Israelis and Palestinians in the 1990s. In linking the developments of the late 1970s and 1980s with the Madrid Conference and Oslo Accords in the decade that followed, the dissertation charts the role played by American, Middle Eastern, international, and domestic actors in curtailing the possibility of Palestinian self-determination.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Texas, Aug., 2009. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Egyptian-Israeli relations from 1977 to 1979 as seen through the headlines, news articles, opinion pieces and editorials of three major Israeli newspapers: The Jerusalem Post, Yedioth Aharonoth and Ha'aretz

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