Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1970. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis examines the political career of Abdallah bin al-Husayn from 1908 until the creation of the Emirate of Transjordan in 1921. The central aim here is to explain how Abdallah was transformed from a Hijazi notable to a major force in the post-war politics of the Fertile Crescent and the founder of the Emirate of Transjordan. Abdallah's political career until 1921 is studied in the context of his family's evolving political ambitions and Anglo-Hashimite and Hashimite-Arab nationalist relations. Abdallah's early political career illuminates the changing character of Arab political leadership in the Arab East between 1914 and 1921. This thesis examines the shaping of Abdallah's political ambitions, the strategies Abdallah, his family and partisans adopted to realize those ambitions and the obstacles Abdallah faced in trying to establish his authority and the legitimacy of his rule, first, in Iraq and, later, in Transjordan. Examining these issues in the context of Anglo-Hashimite and Hashimite-Arab nationalist relations makes it possible to assess Abdallah's contribution to the emergence of new forms of Arab political leadership in the post-war Fertile Crescent, particularly in Transjordan and Iraq, and to the development of Arab nationalism. Chapters one to four analyze the shaping of Abdallah's political ambitions in the wider context of evolving Hashimite ambitions during World Var I. Chapters five to eight treat two closely related subjects: Abdallah's failure to realize his ambition to rule post-war Iraq and his role in the creation of the Emirate of Transjordan.

This dissertation examines centre- regional disputes which are now more than two centuries old between the Swazi royal house and the subordinate chiefdoms of the Magagula, Tfwala, and Mabuza, all located in central Swaziland, and the Fakudze of Macetjeni, located in the Lubombo region. The research report contends that these disputes have become so critical in the relationship between princes and chiefs in Swaziland that it has culminated in open defiance by chiefs deposed in favour of princes. This has led to the Swazi royal house resorting to the use of naked force in a bid to stamp its authority over the subordinate recalcitrant chiefs. The tradition of placing princes as chiefs in distant areas helped to serve two aims. One was to send princes throughout the country for purposes of surveillance of the recalcitrant chiefdoms, and the other to remove princes from the royal kraal as these could not disturb the incumbent ruler by contesting the throne. The non-Dlamini chiefdoms have struggled to regain their lost autonomy at any given opportunity. Such opportunities have been availed to the non-Dlamini chiefdoms by forces that have acted upon the Swazi society since the early 19th century. These included the Mfecane wars, colonialism, missionary activities, education and the mineral revolution in South Africa with its concomitant labour migration. These forces saw the Dlamini royal house struggling to retain its hold on the non-Dlamini chiefdoms through the invention and manipulation of tradition. Each of the Swazi kings has adhered to this old tradition of placing his brothers as chiefs, beginning with Sobhuza I up to the time of Sobhuza II and the current king Mswati III. The net effect of placing princes in the periphery has caused a lot of confusion and opposition in the country, as subordinate chiefs have openly revolted against traditional authorities who impose princes as new rulers of their principalities. The Swazi royal house has responded by evicting some of these chiefs and that the latter have been forced to seek political asylum in neighbouring South Africa. In a nutshell this thesis shows that the Swazi traditional system has failed to offer alternatives or accommodate change. Worsening matters is that the current king is encircled by people who lack vision and wisdom, as a result the traditional system has faltered and failed to embrace change and has distanced itself from the people.

This thesis explores Plutarch’s use of metaphors and similes of the theatre in order to represent, explore and criticise political action in his Parallel Lives. Most of the studies available on Plutarch’s use of the theatre have tended to address his understanding and employment of the tragic, that is what is defined as tragedy as a genre from the conventions of language, plot and characterisation. This approach belongs to the textual, literary aspect of theatrical production, the word of the writer, and the interpretation of the reader. Although interlinked with my study, this is not what my thesis examines. I am concerned with the performative aspect of the theatre. This envelops all the components which define the activity of the theatrical spectacle: the professionals involved in the production, from the sponsors, to the musicians and dancers, the actors and their performance, from its preparation to its presentation, the costumes, the props and the sets, the intention of the performance, the impact on and the reaction of the audience. Plutarch has two means of approaching the theatrical world. He draws on the reality of theatrical productions, showing an awareness of the technical demands involved in the creation of spectacle and drama. He also draws upon the tradition of theory and definitions of the theatre which had been laid down by philosophers and playwrights. But whether his understanding stems from a familiarity with theatrical productions or a reading of theoretical discourse, Plutarch’s deployments are consistent: they become a tool to assess morally the statesman or political body he is observing. While Plutarch’s judgement tends to be severe, he recognises the impact and effectiveness of histrionic politics. This thesis concentrates on three political structures: kingship, oratory and the relationship between statesman and assembly. Plutarch’s moral assessment is consistent, and yet he draws on different aspects and different theories to represent not only these different structures but also individual approaches to the office of statesman. While absolute monarchs tend to resort to staging, some put the emphasis on spectacle and the experience of the observer and others concentrate on their own person by styling themselves as actors. If some orators draw on techniques used by actors, they do not equally resort to the same methods but according to their character and origin, choose different aspects of the acting profession. Although several assemblies take place in the theatre, their histrionic behaviour depends on the statesman who influences them. While other studies have notes the theatrical quality of Plutarch’s Lives, this thesis offers the first in-depth analysis of the intricacy and richness of Plutarch’s understanding of theatre as a political tool. Other works have tended to put characterisation at the centre of Plutarch’s use of theatre. I propose, however, to focus on political action, revealing Plutarch’s attitude not only towards the spectacular, but also, and crucially, towards some of the most important political structures of antiquity.

This thesis explores the perception of the emperor in the mentalités of his subjects, exploring the different ways he was understood. Drawing upon written material from Augustus to Alexander Severus, this thesis explores the roles he was cast in, alluding to a discourse concerning who the emperor was and what he should be, exploring similarities across the period. It is argued the participants in this conversation are not restricted to an elite, but also involved scrutiny from a wider population. Accordingly, this thesis is an alternative history about how the Emperor seemed. It is split into three parts according to episodes of an emperor's life: Part 1 and Chapter 1 explore the nature of the succession, including a discussion of the scholarship concerning the nature of the emperor's power and its transmission. It explores the nature of the succession, the imperial family, and perception of this issue from the perspective of his subjects. Part 2 explores the discourse about the emperor's conduct during his reign. Chapter 2 discusses the issues with the evidence, and how to glean a wider perspective. Chapter 3 is a thematic treatment of the 'topics of conversation' within the discourse, and each help to describe the 'thought-world' concerning the emperor, involving the fears and expectations of his roles in government, culture, and society; from the banal to the fantastic. Part 3 and Chapter 4 concern the emperor's legacy. It discusses the impression of the emperor's timelessness, and the comparability of the emperorship. This is reflected in the afterlife of an emperor, showing the relevancy of dead emperors to subsequent generations, and is manifested in diverse ways, from historical discourse to the appearance of false emperors. Finally, comparability is stressed, opening possibilities for further study on the nature of the emperorship as an example of autocracy.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Georgia State University, 2005. / Ttitle from title screen. Tanya Caldwell, committee chair; Malinda G. Snow, Stephen B. Dobranski, committee members. 333 p. [numbered vi, 325]. Description based on contents viewed Feb. 26, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-325).

Thesis--Munich. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [86]-100).

M.A. dissertation, University of Hong Kong, 1976.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Carleton University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 325-342). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-122).