This study deals with the historical compromise between Labour and Capital—the so-called “Swedish model”—and the abandonment of this compromise in connection with the third industrial revolution. The focus of the study lies in the transformations in working life and labour internationalism from 1973 to 1993. The strategies of the trade union regarding the protection of workers’ rights at local, national and international levels are of particular interest. The relations between the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson, the Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the local union at Ericsson’s work premises in Colombia (Sintraericsson) are examined in depth. The research is conducted through archive studies and interviews according to oral history theories. The theoretical perspectives in the dissertation are mainly inspired by postcolonial and materialist world system theories. The examined relations took place in a time that from the point of view of the trade union was characterized by uncertainty and anxiety about the future. The visible effects of the technological and industrial processes of transformation in Sweden as well as in Colombia had increased, and one of the main manifestations of the changes was the decreasing demand of manual labour. The introduction of the electronic AXE-system at LM Ericsson industries constituted a significant pass toward increasingly minimized and decreasing labour-intensive telecommunication systems. In Colombia, the local management took advantage of both the political unrest and instability and the absence of functional legislation praxis of work in order to set back and, finally, repudiate Sintraericsson. Many obstacles were mounted impeding the realization of collected and vigorous international labour actions which, had these been successful, would have constituted a response to the union-hostile actions initiated by the company. The Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson in Sweden were faced with several strategical and ideological issues resulting in their support of Sintraericsson appearing as obligatory or even absent. The study further shows that LM Ericsson as a company had advantages when compared with the Labour Organizations in Sweden and Colombia. The company early established business connections in Colombia and had knowledge about, and was an active part of, the Colombian society. The company was not driven by moral principles though it on the one hand could point at Colombian laws and norms, and on the other hand at overreaching economical “laws” when it came to motivating the politics vis-à-vis the employees, the local union and the frequent dismissals of union activists at Ericsson de Colombia.

This study examines trade union resistance to the post 1977 Export Oriented Industrialisation (EOI) strategies in Sri Lanka, and the possibilities of developing new strategic options. In contrast to perspectives that narrow unions to political economic dimensions, this study emphasises the cultural and the movement dimensions of unions. The purpose of the study is to understand the ways unions can regain their role as civil society actors on the basis of building worker solidarity. The study is divided into two main parts. The first part focuses on the features and tendencies of social movement unionism as advancing new possibilities towards revitalising unions. Under globalisation, unions are faced with an increasingly casualised labour force with more women absorbed as wage workers. The promotion of labour market deregulation and privatisation, endorsed by neo-liberal ideologies of competitive individualism, illustrates the narrowing of unions to the workplace while undermining worker solidarity. The first part of this research describes the impact of :neo-liberal globalisation on trade unions; conceptualisation of and resistance to globalisation; the essence of trade unions; social movement unionism and labour internationalism. According to social movement unionism perspectives, party independent union strategies, based on elements of internal democracy and structured alliances open the possibility of emphasising the movement dimension of unions. The second part explains the context of unions in Sri Lanka, focusing on three unions - the Nurses, Tea Plantation workers, and Free Trade Zone workers. In terms of the structural context, Sri Lankan unions faced a multi-faceted weakening under the post-1977 EOI policies. The assertion of an authoritarian state, promoting interests of capital, enhanced the fragmentation of unions along party differences that were further compounded by divisions along ethnic identity politics. Moreover, the increasing militarisation of the state, which maintains a protracted ethnic war, reinforced coercive state strategies restraining union resistance and shrinking the realm of civil society. In confronting state strategies of labour market deregulation and privatisation, the enduring party subordinated unions are increasingly inadequate. In contrast, the three unions in this study express forms of party-independent union strategies. By analysing their modes of resistance related to the articulation of worker interests, their organisational modes, and their engagement in representative and movement politics the study explores the possibility of developing a social movement unionism orientation in order to regain their role as civil society actors