My research will seek to affirm the factors that influenced the pattern and pace of populating a region between present day Prince Albert and North Battleford, Saskatchewan, during the period 1867 and 1931. A settlement boom had occurred in Western Canada during this era, and previous studies have sought to ascertain the factors that accounted for the boom and why the phenomenon had not occurred earlier. To date, studies addressing this issue have considered the Federal Policies for land, immigration and railways, several global push-pull factors, and the physical variables of land capability and climate as the primary factors affecting the settlement boom. </p><p>In examining the history of settlement of Western Canada, no study to date, however, has linked the inventory of land with the flow of immigrants into the region. It is exactly this gap that this study addresses. This study will utilize the inventory of the allocation of agricultural land to the population that first settled the region during this era, and will examine the timing and pace of homestead settlement in relation to the timing of all other forms of land alienation for the purposes of agriculture. These include the land sales of the purchased homesteads; pre-empted homesteads; school districts; the railway companies; land companies; and the Hudsons Bay Company. </p><p>This, furthermore, points to an important conjecture regarding government and railway policies that actually impeded settlement. Lewis (1981), Lewis and Robinson (1984) and Ward (1994) introduced the notion that the late railway branch-lines construction, and the late sale of pre-empted lands, may have acted as impediments to settlement. This suggestion has not been supported one way or another. In addition, the Railways late selection of lands they were entitled to from the railway land grant reserve, and the subsequent late availability of sale of these lands to agriculturists have not been addressed. My research is intends to affirm these premises. The linkages between the different forms of land alienation will be shown here as a factor that contributed to the order and pace of settlement.

My research will seek to affirm the factors that influenced the pattern and pace of populating a region between present day Prince Albert and North Battleford, Saskatchewan, during the period 1867 and 1931. A settlement boom had occurred in Western Canada during this era, and previous studies have sought to ascertain the factors that accounted for the boom and why the phenomenon had not occurred earlier. To date, studies addressing this issue have considered the Federal Policies for land, immigration and railways, several global push-pull factors, and the physical variables of land capability and climate as the primary factors affecting the settlement boom. </p><p>In examining the history of settlement of Western Canada, no study to date, however, has linked the inventory of land with the flow of immigrants into the region. It is exactly this gap that this study addresses. This study will utilize the inventory of the allocation of agricultural land to the population that first settled the region during this era, and will examine the timing and pace of homestead settlement in relation to the timing of all other forms of land alienation for the purposes of agriculture. These include the land sales of the purchased homesteads; pre-empted homesteads; school districts; the railway companies; land companies; and the Hudsons Bay Company. </p><p>This, furthermore, points to an important conjecture regarding government and railway policies that actually impeded settlement. Lewis (1981), Lewis and Robinson (1984) and Ward (1994) introduced the notion that the late railway branch-lines construction, and the late sale of pre-empted lands, may have acted as impediments to settlement. This suggestion has not been supported one way or another. In addition, the Railways late selection of lands they were entitled to from the railway land grant reserve, and the subsequent late availability of sale of these lands to agriculturists have not been addressed. My research is intends to affirm these premises. The linkages between the different forms of land alienation will be shown here as a factor that contributed to the order and pace of settlement.

This research aims to examine the effects of the urban land acquisition and allocation programme by the government in Iran on the rate of increase of the prices of urban land and affordablity of housing prices for different income groups in the urban areas of the country during the period 1979 to 1988 which was on the basis of the enactment of three Urban Land Laws after the 1979 revolution. The implementation of these laws limited private ownership of vacant urban land in the country to about 1,000 to 1,500 square metres, depending on the size of the city, with the excess land being acquired by the government. In this respect the Urban Land Organisation under the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development was able to acquire 36,000 hectares through confiscation from the excess of private ownership, 8,258 hectares of private land in return for payment of compensation, and a further 41,272 hectares of land which already belonged to the various public organisations was transferred to its authority. Thereby a total of 85,557 hectares was assembled under the authority of the urban land organisation (ULO). As part of the land policy, the ULO then proceeded to allocate some 10,790 hectares or 12.6 percent of the total assembled land to eligible applicants including private households, housing cooperatives and public and private housing developers for housing construction. This was in addition to the 3,313 hectares or 3.9 percent of the total assembled land which was allocated for the purposes urban services and commercial buildings. In any case, while only 12.6 percent of the assembled land was allocated by the ULO it comprised about 32 percent of the number and 34 percent of the area of land plots for new starts of housing construction during the period 1979 to 1988. The hypothesis of the thesis with regard to the effect of government acquisition and allocation of urban land on the situation of urban land prices and housing in Iran is that between 1979 to 1988 this programme and the resultant activities has on the one hand led to a reduction of the rate of increase of the price of urban land in the market and, on the other, has contributed to the provision of affordable housing units for low and middle income households. The thesis has tested the first part of its hypothesis by collecting and analyzing the trend of development of urban land prices for a 15 year period between 1974 to 1988. The second part of the hypothesis has been tested by calculating the price of housing on ULO allocated and privately owned land and then comparing them with the effective demand of different income groups in the urban areas of the country. The evidence of the analysis for the first part of the hypothesis shows that during the period 1979 to 1988 the average price of one square metre of privately owned land was about 13 times higher than ULO allocated land. More importantly, however, is the trend of development of the price of privately owned land between 1974 to 1988 which shows that after the 1979 revolution average prices of privately owned land always kept below the 1976 figure prior to the revolution and from 1985 on wards the actual increase at constant prices was actually negative. Moreover, with the base year of 1974, the index of the average price of privately owned land for the period 1979 to 1988 was between 58.7 and 207.5 which was much lower than the consumer price index which was between 196.3 and 974.1 for the same period. The index of the average price of urban land for 1975 and 1976 prior to the 1979 revolution, however, is 125.3 and 170.5 which is higher than the consumer price index for the same period which was 109.9 and 128.1. consequently, it can be stated that the evidence from the analysis for the first part of the hypothesis supports its proposition in that the enactment and implementation of the aforementioned urban land policy after the 1979 revolution has led to a reduction of the rate of increase of urban land prices in the market between the period 1979 to 1988. The result of the analysis for the second part of the hypothesis on the other hand shows that on the basis of the recommended floor area of 75 square metre for housing units built on ULO allocated land, which was recommended by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, such units were in the main affordable to all income categories including all those in the low income groups. The units built on privately owned land were in the main only affordable to income groups 8-10 which comprised the high income groups and in 1987 and 1988 even income groups 8-9 of the high income groups were excluded from these units. More importantly, however, the analysis shows that even with bigger floor areas including the actual average floor area of urban housing units for the period 1979 to 1988, which ranged between 132 to 162 square metres during the stated period, the units built on ULO allocated land were still much more affordable to the low and middle income groups than the units built on privately owned land which would still be in the main unaf fordable to the low income groups. This difference in affordablity also applies to small units 50-75 square metres built on the two different categories of land. The result of the analysis for the second part of the hypothesis, therefore, also supports its proposition in that the enactment and implementation of the aforementioned urban land policy after the 1979 revolution has contributed to the provision of affordable housing units for low and middle income households in the period 1979 to 1988.

No description available.

Comment les politiques foncières influent sur le développement de logements neufs dans une communauté urbaine telle que le Grand Lyon ? Comment contribuent-elles à réorganiser les coûts induits par la construction de logements neufs et, plus largement, par l'aménagement de nouveaux espaces bâtis ? Pour répondre à ces questions, la première partie de ce travail analyse la structuration des dynamiques de promotion immobilière, à partir de l'identification des stratégies, des intérêts et des actions d'un acteur pivot, le promoteur de logements (qui peut-être un promoteur immobilier, un bailleur social ou un particulier). La seconde partie du travail explore l'impact des politiques foncières sur les acteurs de marché étudiés en première partie. Nous définissions le terme « politiques foncières » au sens large, en y incluant aussi bien l'action foncière, le droit des sols et la fiscalité foncière. Nous montrons dans cette thèse que les collectivités publiques locales disposent d'outils forts pour répartir les coûts et les bénéfices tirés d'une opération de promotion immobilière entre les propriétaires initiaux des terrains, les acquéreurs de logements et la collectivité (donc les contribuables). L'ensemble du processus de régulation des dynamiques de promotion immobilière peut s'analyser comme un jeu de création et de transfert d'incertitude. Dans un contexte dans lequel les collectivités sont poussées à présenter leurs projets à l'avance, leurs capacités à agir directement par l'action foncière sont relativement limitées, à moins de très gros efforts financiers. Pour retrouver des marges de manœuvre pour influer sur les modes de production de logements, les collectivités locales réintroduisent de l'incertitude, par différents moyens : préemption ou menace de préemption de terrains, prise de position sur des parcelles de blocage, et surtout, introduction d'une règle de droit des sols souple, qui oblige à un « examen concerté préalable » des demandes de permis de construire et de permis d'aménager entre le pétitionnaire et la collectivité. Toutefois, de telles pratiques ne fonctionnent que si les promoteurs de logements ont les moyens de supporter cette incertitude. Par conséquent, elles reposent sur le dynamisme des marchés immobiliers. Ainsi, dans l'état actuel des choses, la reconstruction de la ville sur la ville par des immeubles de qualité, mais aussi le financement d'équipements publics, de logements sociaux, d'espaces verts, etc., ne fonctionnent qu'à condition d'accepter une hausse des prix immobiliers. Ce mode de régulation des dynamiques d'aménagement et de promotion immobilière permet de créer une ville de qualité, mais qui apparait aussi particulièrement excluante pour tous les ménages non solvables aux prix immobiliers atteints. Ceci à pour conséquence d'inciter à multiplier les dispositifs spécifiques d'aides à l'accès au logement (que ce soit dans le parc locatif social ou privé, et pour l'accession à la propriété), qui bénéficient à de nombreux ménages, mais n'empêchent cependant pas que nombre d'entre eux se retrouvent « en marge » de la ville, en l'occurrence, en périphéries plus ou moins lointaines des agglomérations. / How land policies are affecting new housing developments in Lyon agglomeration? How do they contribute to reorganize the costs generated by the development of new housing and, more broadly, by the development of new spaces? The first part of this work analyses the housing development dynamics, which contributes to shape the actions of the different actors implicated in new housing markets. The second part of the thesis explores the impact of land policies on market actors identified and studied in the first part. We define the term “land policies” in a broad sense, which include the purchase, the management and the selling of land by public authorities, but also the zoning and the land taxation policies. This work shows that in a context in which local public authorities have to present their urban strategies and projects in advance, their capacities to directly manage land development is limited, unless they invest massive amounts of public funds. Nevertheless, they use other ways to reintroduce uncertainty for housing developers and land owners, and therefore, be in capacity to be the actor who is in capacity to manage this uncertainty. One of the major tools to reach this goal is the use of some forms of discretionary zoning. However, such practices only work when housing developers can support this uncertainty, which mainly is the case in dynamic housing markets. This means that the way local authorities are today managing housing development allows to finance and build a city of quality, but also that public authorities have to multiply specific housing aids (whether in the social or non-social rental sector, or to support homeownership), which benefit to many households but also leave many others in “the edges of the city”, i.e., in many cases, far in the outskirts.

Customary land ownership, recording and registration are complex issues in the Solomon Islands. At present, 87% of the land is held under customary laws. Almost all (some 99%) of the land held under customary law is not surveyed, recorded or registered to the tribes. Customary land disputes have been inhibiting rural development initiatives, which is partly responsible for the ill-being of the people. The Family Tree Approach (FTA) is a process being used within the To'abaita region of the Malaita Province to help address problems in the dilemmas of land ownership, land disputes, land recording, land registration and rural development in land held under customary laws in To’abaita. The FTA is a blend of indigenous epistemology, modern practices and Christian principles. Indigenously, the tribes identify with their land by tracing their origins through genealogies, historical narrations, tribal epics and chants, shrines and properties. Rev. Michael Maelia’u, a Church Minister and a former Parliamentarian, promotes the FTA. The FTA has four pillars (principles) – recognition, reconciliation, recording and registration – which are covered within five sequential phases. For instance, recognition is done in phase one of the process, enabling all members of a tribe to recognize each other. Reconciliation is part of the process, promoting forgiveness and acceptance of tribal members. Recording is an important pillar of the FTA, as its role is to produce documents that will be accepted by the law. Research results show that land registration is also a pillar of the FTA; once customary land is registered to the tribes, land disputes will be resolved, thereby enabling sustainable rural development that improves the people’s well-being. The FTA, however, is currently not formally recognized in the country. It has been used by 12 of approximately 20 tribes within the To'abaita region. Some of the To'abaita tribes have not adopted the FTA for various reasons. The FTA has enabled the disintegrated generations to recognize or identify with one another. It enables public recognition of existing tribes, tribal genealogies, tribal tales, tribal epics, the tribal iii shrines, and the tribal land. Reconciliation has been carried out at both intertribal and intra-tribal levels. The FTA enables identification of people who are residing on land and utilizing resources they do not have a right to. It makes people aware of their roots or the land of their origin, which would then lead to reduced land disputes that constrained development initiatives and the well-being of the people. The results, however, indicated that the FTA has problems either in the approach itself or in its management. It is incapable of achieving its objectives (reducing land disputes, enable rural development, enable tribal land registration, and resettling land that was wrongly acquired). People have split perception of the FTA and the legislation; this therefore reduces potential motivation that is needed to advance the approach. Results of the research also indicated that no proper and serious documentation has been done, despite knowing that it is one of the pillars. In To'abaita, gender and culture are contributing issues, which cause difficulties to the FTA. Also, the FTA lacked financial support. Those that have experience with the FTA believe that the FTA objectives need to be made known to promote motivation to the illiterate people of To'abaita. Adequate communication of issues to improve the FTA is essential. Forming a committee that oversees the design and management of the FTA is necessary for its improvement, and adequate financial support will bring the FTA forward. Chief empowerment by the legislation is essential to enable the FTA to achieve its objectives in the future.