Thesis (MBA.) --University of Limpopo, 2008 / Land reform is divided into three sub-programmes, which are redistribution programmes, restitution and tenure reform. The redistribution programme consists of Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development settlement and non-agricultural enterprises. Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development programme was established to redress the imbalances of land owners aroused from the previous government and its policies. A person who qualifies to purchase farms through the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development programme is a previously disadvantaged person, that is, an African, Coloured and Indian. If a person belongs to a previously disadvantaged group and that particular person works for the government he/she does not qualify to be funded by the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development programme. The National Department of Agriculture introduced a new programme called the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme. The primary aim of the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme is to make provision for agricultural support to targeted beneficiaries of the land reform and agrarian reform programme. This dissertation proposed an investigation of the success factors of Comprehensive agricultural Support programme on the farms allocated under the Land redistribution for Agricultural Development in the Waterberg District of the Limpopo Province. The objectives of study were: i. To determine factors influencing the success of the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme projects on farms allocated under the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development farms ii. To suggest recommendations for the improvement of the implementation of the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme. iv A case study approach was used to investigate the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme funded projects. Personal interview questions were posed to participants who were the farmers who receiving the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme grant and managers who were managing the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development farms. Open-ended questionnaires were used to collect data and four farms allocated under Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development funded by the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme and four municipal managers in the Waterberg District of the Limpopo Province were interviewed. The qualitative approach was used to process the data The chapter layouts of this research are as follows: Chapter 1: Problem Statement, Aims and Objectives of the Study, Chapter 2: Literature Survey, Chapter 3: Research Design, Chapter 4: Analysis of Data and Interpretation, and Chapter 5: Recommendations and Conclusion. The analysis of the data revealed that Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme is a success on the farms allocated under the Land redistribution for Agricultural Development in the Waterberg District of the Limpopo Province.

Thesis (M.Dev.) --University of Limpopo, 2012

Land resources are essential to the production of many goods and services, including food, fiber, housing, and recreation. Often, these alternate uses are thought to be incompatible, and the conventional wisdom holds that in a place such as Utah, where rapid population growth is occurring near farming activities, at least some agricultural land must be converted to developed uses. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the strength of the relationship between population growth and change in farmland, especially cropland, in Utah. Theoretically, population growth has been assumed to affect the amount of land in agricultural use. An empirical model is formulated to explain changes in the quantity of various types of agricultural land as a function of four hypothesized explanatory variables, one of which is the percentage change in population. The conclusion reached is that population growth is not statistically related to changes in the amount of land in agriculture in Utah. Although some land at the urban fringes is converted to developed uses every year, it is replaced in other locations by new farmland . Therefore, the increase in population that resulted in some cropland conversion is not directly related to the change in cropland. Moreover, none of the other explanatory variables are consistently related. Even in a hypothetical "worst-case" scenario, in which all future development is assumed to take place on cropland, little of Utah's cropland would be lost by the year 2000. If Utah state and local planners desire to encourage retention of land in agriculture, further study should be directed towards finding the relevant explanatory variables, and policies should be based on an understanding of the significant relationships.

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Rights to possess and/or use the foreshore of New Zealand are not clear, and are even cloudier in relation to Maori freehold land that is on the coast. This thesis investigates the law pertaining to rights in the foreshore, and the facts pertaining specifically to the use of the Otakou Maori Reserve foreshore. In particular, the research question is this: what does aboriginal title mean in 1996 for Otago Maori? Examining the legal issues, searching individual titles and gathering oral history are the methods used to answer this question. First, the law. In New Zealand the Crown is prima facie the absolute owner of the foreshore. This can be displaced by proof to the contrary. The doctrine of aboriginal title recognises the legal continuity of tribal property rights upon the Crown�s acquisition of sovereignty over their territory. Aboriginal title can be divided into two categories - territorial and non-territorial. Territorial title represents a tribal claim to full ownership, and non-territorial title to rights that are less than absolute ownership, such as the right to cross land, to fish and to collect flora and fauna. It is this doctrine of aboriginal title as it relates to the foreshore that can displace the Crown�s absolute ownership of the foreshore. Second, the facts. 99% of the coastal land parcels of Otakou Maori Reserve are described in written documentation as to the line of mean high water. This 99% is made up 17% Maori freehold land, 49% general land and 33% vested in the Crown or the Dunedin City Council. The remaining 1% is Maori freehold land that does not have its boundary at mean high water, but has a fixed upland boundary. Oral history facts from the takatawhenua identify that the foreshore continues to be used for access, travel, and the collection of kai moana and sea resources. The findings reveal that Kai Tahu ki Otakou have never extinguised their territorial and non-territorial aboriginal title to the foreshore of Otakou Maori Reserve. Suggested areas for future research include an investigation of other Maori reserves in Otago, and examining the doctrine of aboriginal title as it relates to the beds of watercourses.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Michigan State University, 2002. / Adviser: David L. Skole. Includes bibliographical references.

<p>The thesis examines continuity and change in the agrarian history of the Mwenezi District, southern Zimbabwe since 1980. It analyses agrarian reforms, agrarian practices and development initiatives in the district and situates them in the localised livelihood strategies of different people within the Dinhe Communa Area and the Mangondi resettlement Area in Lieu of the Fast-Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) since 2000. The thesis also examines the livelihood opportunities and challenges presented by the FTLRP to the inhabitants of Mwenezi.The thesis contributes to the growing body of empirical studies on the impact of Zimbabwe's ongoing land reform programme and to debates and discourses on agrarian reform.</p>