Thèse--Faculté des lettres de Paris.

Thèse--Faculté des lettres de Paris.

Th.--Psychol.--Aix-Marseille 1, 1988.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 365-374). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

Le folklore dansé en Bas-Languedoc.Nombreuses sont les pratiques populaires en Bas-Languedoc qui ont marqué durablement la société occitane depuis le début du XVIe siècle. La danse traditionnelle mais aussi les musiques de ces danses, l'instrumentation elle-même ainsi que la confection et le port des costumes locaux participent à la vie quotidienne des populations languedociennes jusqu'à la toute fin du XIXe siècle. Dans un espace géographique restreint, correspondant à une zone de monoculture viticole, ces pratiques populaires artistiques jouent également un rôle de premier plan dans l'Histoire régionale et nationale : celui de témoin privilégié des grands événements politiques et sociétaux. Elles sont omniprésentes lors des fêtes locales mais aussi lors des grandes manifestations officielles et obligatoires de l’État. La longévité remarquable de ces pratiques, issues de la Renaissance, relève de leur grande adaptation aux différentes sociétés languedociennes, de leur représentativité régionale, ainsi que d'une volonté de maintenance par tous les régimes et institutions. La société languedocienne toute entière se reconnaît dans ces danses-miroir, façonnées pendant l'Ancien Régime ; elles portent régulièrement aux autorités l'assentiment ou les désaccords du peuple.Pourtant, les pratiques populaires locales n'échappent pas à des interférences culturelles multiples avec la société aristocratique, les enseignements artistiques militaires ou académiques et les diverses cultures qui traversent l'Europe dès le milieu du XIXe siècle.De plus, la fin de la société paysanne et l'avènement d'une société urbaine mettent à mal les pratiques populaires et essentiellement rurales dans la plupart des régions. En Bas-Languedoc, la survivance des principales danses régionales se soumet, dès la fin du XIXe siècle, au bon vouloir des autorités qui financent des reconstitutions onéreuses, et rémunèrent des pratiquants alors tournés vers d'autres modes sociétales.La tradition populaire devient peu à peu un folklore représenté et institutionnalisé qui répond aux mêmes règles ministérielles que l'enseignement académique des sports ou de la danse. Les premières enquêtes sur le patrimoine régional, ainsi que les travaux des premiers folkloristes permettent toutefois de reconstruire des danses locales (les branles) pratiquées pendant des siècles lors des défilés et Triomphes annuels. Les pertes sont toutefois importantes ; de nombreuses pratiques artistiques corporatives, instrumentales et poétiques disparaissent avec les tout derniers pratiquants. En Bas-Languedoc, les premiers folkloristes de l'Entre-deux-guerres parviennent à collecter in-extremis des pratiques traditionnelles qui passent en quelques années de la rue à la scène. La plupart d'entre elles perdent leur nature populaire en trouvant un public, tandis que Treilles, Chevalets et autres danses des Triomphes locaux conservent l'essentiel de leurs prérogatives sociales et politiques.Le folklore jusqu'alors vivant devient principalement une discipline d'étude ainsi qu'un loisir revivaliste, soutenu par le mouvement félibre et les institutions nationales.Quatre moments de renouveau ont bouleversé la pratique traditionnelle populaire vers une discipline folklorique puis ethnologique : la révolution industrielle et l'exode rural de la fin du XIXe siècle poussent la nouvelle société urbaine à entretenir artificiellement des pratiques qui ne sont plus enseignées par déterminisme familial. Dans les années 1930, diverses institutions nationales encouragent les pratiques traditionnelles populaires à des fins éducatives. Dans les années 1950, les folkloristes publient les premières études spécifiques ; celles-ci sont prises en charge par les ethnologues des années1970. / Traditional dancing in Lower LanguedocMany are the popular practices which have made a lasting impression on Occitan society since the beginning of the 16th century. Traditional dances but also the music of these dances, the instrumentation itself as well as the making and wearing of local costumes took part in the Languedoc populations ‘daily life until the very end of the 19th century. In a restricted geographical area, corresponding to a wine monoculture zone, these popular practices also played a leading role in regional and national History: they were privileged witnesses of political and societal events, and omnipresent during local feasts but also in major compulsory official demonstrations from the government. The remarkable longevity of these practices, coming from the Renaissance, is dependent on their adaptation to the different Languedoc societies, their regional representativeness, as well as a will of maintenance expressed by all political schemes and institutions.The whole Languedoc society recognised itself in these mirror-dances, worked out throughout the old regime; they regularly conveyed to authorities the assent or the disagreement of the people.Local popular practices didn’t however escape from some multiple cultural interferences with the aristocratic society, the artistic, military or academic way of teaching and also with the different cultures which crossed Europe as soon as the middle of the 19th century.Moreover, the end of peasant society and the advent of urban society undermined popular and mainly rural practices in most regions. In Lower Languedoc, as soon as the end of the 19th century, the survival of the main regional dances complied with the good will of the authorities which financed onerous reconstitutions and remunerated practitioners henceforth turned towards other societal modes. Popular tradition slowly became a represented and institutionalized folklore which met the same ministerial rules as the sports or dance academic teaching. The first surveys concerning the regional heritage as well as the first folklore specialists ‘works however allow to rebuild local dances (the “branles”) practised for centuries during annual marches and festive parades. Losses were however important, numerous corporative instrumental and poetic practices disappeared with the very last practitioners. In Lower Languedoc, the first folklorists of the inter-war period managed to collect in-extremis traditional practices that passed in a few year from the street to the scene. Most of them lost their popular nature by finding an audience, while Trellises, Little Horses and other dances from local festive parades kept the essentials of their social and political privilege.Folklore until then alive mainly became a study subject as well as a revivalist hobby, supported by the “felibre” movement and the national institutions.Four renewal periods have shaken up the popular traditional practice into a folk then ethnologic subject: the industrial revolution and the rural depopulation in the end of the 19th century induced the new urban society to artificially maintain practices which were no longer taught because of family determinism. Since the thirties, various national institutions encouraged traditional practices for teaching purposes. In the fifties; folklorists published the first specialized studies; these ones were taken into account by the ethnologists of the seventies.

Thèse Lettres, Paris, 1966.

This thesis analyses the Comité Régional d'Action Viticole (CRAV), an active force in the French wine industry since the mid-1960s that has consistently mobilised militant winegrowers in response to economic crisis. Their role has expanded to represent not only the Midi's viticultural heritage, but also a peculiar brand of regional nationalism. They invoked the memory of the "Grande révolte" of 1907, which saw hundreds of thousands mobilise against foreign wine imports, financial speculation and ineffective regulation. The legacy of 1907 will be considered in the context of its regionalist significance and the development of political Occitanisme, binding Oc and Vine at the beginning of the century. The prominent role of winegrowing since 1907 had seen a compact between winegrowers, local elites and the Socialist Party develop. Yet, this began to slowly disintegrate as government programmes targeted the amelioration of Languedoc wine from the early 1970s. Whilst this project embittered winegrowers, events like the shootout at Montredon in 1976 and the torching of a Leclerc store in 1984 saw the CRAV breach the frontiers of acceptability and alienate traditional supporters. Demographic change, economic development and the stain of violent protest all chipped away at the CRAV's rebellious appeal. This regional compact will be analysed both to gauge the impact of development upon regional identity and to understand changing conceptions of modernity in the agricultural South. The CRAV's survival is testament to their continuing relevance, despite being painted variously as terrorists, revolutionaries and militant syndicalists. These labels were fleeting, but their identity as winegrowers, Languedociens and their desire to live and work their land for a living wage have remained their defining characteristics. This thesis will analyse the limits of these identities and answer broader questions about the tension between regional development and defence against the backdrop of an increasingly global marketplace.

Th.--Lettres--Paris, 1966. / Bibliogr. p. 654-681 . Index.

Th.--Lett.--Montpellier, 1906.

Originally presented as the author's Thesis--Université de Toulouse-le Mirail, 2002. / Sources: p. 383-[390]. Includes bibliographical references (p. 391-[406]).