Miami is no longer just known as the playground for Latin America's wealthy, rather, it has become increasingly identified as the business, commercial and cultural center of South Florida and the Americas. This increasing importance and global scope has led to the idea of making Miami into a "new" world city a development priority. The city's geographical proximity to Latin America and the Caribbean makes it an ideal city within the United States to form transnational ties and to attract more business from the region and hopefully the rest of the world. How does the idea of being a "world city" affect the types of projects that have taken place or will be taking place in recent years? Does this idea cater only to Latin American elites and the global sphere while ignoring the needs of local residents in adjacent areas? Megaprojects such as Museum Park and the Miami World Center are set to solidify MiamiÕs position as a global node and a greater regional hub. These projects will be built in the two areas of Downtown that do not enjoy the same cosmopolitan lifestyle as the Central Business District and the Brickell areas, in hopes of creating a different identity or a brand for these generally lower-income areas. Adjacent Overtown does not receive this kind of attention. This paper will examine how Downtown Miami is aiming at "world city" status, attempting to attract foreign capital--both economic and social--while neglecting to place a greater importance on homegrown talent and low-income locals living in neighborhoods adjacent to "developing" areas.

Thesis (Psy.D.)--Rutgers University, 2009. / "Graduate Program in Clinical Psychology." Includes bibliographical references (p. 42-62).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2007. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 174-181).

Thesis (Ed. D.)--UCLA, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 226-237).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2006. / Advisor: Deborah Ebener, Florida State University, College of Education, Dept. of Childhood Education, Reading, and Disability Services. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 14, 2006). Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 149 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S. Eco.)--Baylor University, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 48-50).

Doctorat en sciences psychologiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This dissertation analyzes cookery books and domestic manuals published in Chile and Argentina in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when both countries were transformed by the wave of industrialization. These best-selling cookbooks put domesticity on a public display and were, for the first time in Latin American history, published by women. I argue that, along with the feminization of the genre, between the 1890s and 1950s, a rhetorical turn took place: from “Cooking” to “Culinary Art.” Considering this shift as a pivot of the modernization of women’s work, I explore cookbooks as part of a broader cultural context that includes teaching, performances, interviews, and women’s interventions in the media industry and public sphere. In opposition to second-wave feminist constructions of domesticity, these cookery manuals do not propose a liberation of women from the kitchen, but an emancipation of the concept of kitchen itself. I examine how these best-selling books went beyond industry mandates and gender subjection and functioned, in fact, as tools of political, social, and cultural change. In so doing, I consider both the space of the kitchen and the genre of cookery books as complex technological artifacts that reshaped both the culture of modernity as the role of women within larger processes of industrialization and economic development. My dissertation takes up the challenge of comparative work; geographically, interdisciplinarily, and methodologically. This comparative perspective serves as an intellectual platform for discussing the interaction between different fields: feminist theory, the history of technology, food studies, labor history, and literary and cultural studies.

Demographic inversion- when city neighborhoods gentrify with influxes of more affluent, mostly white, residents while nearby suburbs increasingly see influxes of Families of Color- has been a powerful trend (re)shaping metropolitan area neighborhoods and schools for the past two decades (Ehrenhalt, 2012; Frey, 2018). The New York City (NYC) metropolitan area, where Latinx people make up over a quarter of the population, has provided one of the starkest examples of this trend. While gentrification increased across Latinx neighborhoods in the City, the share of Latinx people living in metropolitan suburbs almost doubled. Yet, despite the growing presence of Latinx communities across NYC’s metropolitan area, and the country, we know surprisingly little about how contemporary Latinx parents decide where to live or send their children to school- decisions that are contributing to broader demographic inversion in metropolitan areas across the country. Informed by existing research in the field, this study utilized a comparative case study (CCS) (Bartlett & Vavrus, 2017) design that relied on interview data from 54 middle-class Latinx parents in the New York City metropolitan area and critical discourse analyses (CDA) of public commentary and documents to expand the public discourse and research on Latinx communities and demographic inversion. More specifically, the study explored how middle-class Latinx parents decided whether to stay in gentrifying neighborhoods or migrate to nearby outer-ring metropolitan suburbs and how their perceived racial identities, class status, and beliefs about the schooling of their children shaped these decisions. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted between Fall 2020 and Spring 2021 via Zoom with 28 parents who recently moved to outer-ring metropolitan suburbs from gentrifying City neighborhoods and 26 parents who still lived in gentrifying City neighborhoods at the time of their interview. Whether parents chose to stay put in gentrifying neighborhoods or leave to nearby suburbs, parents’ decisions about where to live and send their children to school were shaped by the broader context of gentrification and displacement in New York City and the social constraints that explicitly or implicitly informed their daily lives. Parents navigated racialized neighborhood change narratives; negotiated their racial, ethnic and class identities; and prioritized cultural ideologies about community and identity during their decision-making process. Furthermore, parents' experiences with gentrification and the factors they prioritized in the neighborhood and school choice process varied by their racial identities- whether they identified as white Latinx, Latinx/Puerto Rican/Dominican, or Black/Afro Latinx. Their racial identities shaped their understandings of the current costs of gentrification in the City context and whether they prioritized racial diversity in the neighborhood and school selection process in the suburbs. Above all else, however, the middle-class Latinx parents in this study aimed to stay put in the City neighborhoods they grew up in because of asset-based views they held about Latinx communities and yet, because of rising housing costs and cultural displacement, parents either left to the suburbs or stayed in precarious housing situations in the City. The findings from this study have implications for anti-displacement efforts taking place across gentrifying City neighborhoods in the United States, for how we address housing affordability from a regional perspective, and for how schools and local government can build on the asset-based perspectives of community and Latinx identity that echoed throughout parent interviews. Additionally, the varied experiences of Latinx parents in this study along the lines of racial identity and class have important implications for future research on Latinx communities in the United States that is more context-specific and engages with the specific experiences of the Latinx communities in that context to better inform more place-based policy interventions.

The Latinx communities are one of the fastest-growing minority groups in the United States, and that shift has brought new challenges to the field of education. An increase in the Latinx student body presents unique challenges to this particular group (Alemán, 2009a), such as the stigmatization of speaking Spanish in a country where the majority speak English (Murakami et al., 2013). Today’s Latinx leaders have endured similar patterns of discrimination to prior generations (Hondgneu-Sotelo, 2020). Latinx leaders who are aware of injustices that exist in their schools lead with social justice agendas to overcome inequities and barriers (López, 2003). The purpose of this study was to explore and examine how school leaders who identify as Latinx conceptualize and practice leadership for equity and social justice. To collect data, testimonios were conducted with all participants in this study. Testimonio presents participants with an opportunity to share their experience of oppression, views on how to challenge inequities, and their advocacy toward social justice (Huber, 2009). Two interviews were conducted per candidate lasting approximately 60 minutes. The first conclusion of the study: all participants in the study showed evidence of the implementation of culturally relevant pedagogical practices. Second, while the overwhelming majority of the participants in this study acknowledged racial discrimination and called out policies that maintained injustices in place, only two of the Latinx leaders in this study centered race and led their community with equity and social justice as the core of their work.