Thése--Amsterdam. / Without thesis statement.

Thése--Amsterdam. / Without thesis statement.

A presente pesquisa compreende o estudo e a tradução para o português do prólogo e da retórica do Tesouro de Brunetto Latini. Trata-se de uma compilação escrita em francês, por volta de 1260, que reúne matérias úteis para a política, entendida como arte de governar uma cidade. O Tesouro está dividido em três livros, um sobre teórica, um sobre ética e outro sobre política, o qual inclui uma arte retórica e um manual do podestade. O estudo do prólogo mostrou que a política é o fio condutor deste texto no gênero humilde que, para ensinar, compila excertos de diversas autoridades de maneira ordenada. Por sua vez, a arte retórica, parte da política, segue de perto a matéria do tratado De inventione, de Cícero, e traz também preceitos para a escrita de cartas, preceitos de artes poéticas e exemplos históricos e bíblicos. Por seus preceitos e exemplos, que são tanto retóricos quanto éticos, o Tesouro ensina e faz o elogio da política, ao mesmo tempo que se apresenta como uma memória. / This study encompasses an analysis and a Portuguese translation of the prologue and the rhetoric of Brunetto Latini\'s Tresor. The text is a French compilation written around 1260, and it compiles materials useful to the science of politics, which is defined as the art of ruling a city. The Tresor is divided into three books, one about theorics, one about ethics, and the other about politics, which includes an art of rhetoric and a handbook for the podestà. The analysis of the prologue shows that politics are the guiding principle of the text, which is written in plain (attenuata) style, thus meant for instruction, and compiles and puts in a specific order excerpts taken from various authorities. As for the art of rhetoric, a part of politics, the text closely follows the subject matter of Cicero\'s De intentione, and also has precepts for letter writing, principles of poetry and historical and biblical examples. Through the precepts and examples, which are rhetoric as well as ethic, the Tresor teaches and praises politics, and at the same time operates as a memory.

A presente pesquisa compreende o estudo e a tradução para o português do prólogo e da retórica do Tesouro de Brunetto Latini. Trata-se de uma compilação escrita em francês, por volta de 1260, que reúne matérias úteis para a política, entendida como arte de governar uma cidade. O Tesouro está dividido em três livros, um sobre teórica, um sobre ética e outro sobre política, o qual inclui uma arte retórica e um manual do podestade. O estudo do prólogo mostrou que a política é o fio condutor deste texto no gênero humilde que, para ensinar, compila excertos de diversas autoridades de maneira ordenada. Por sua vez, a arte retórica, parte da política, segue de perto a matéria do tratado De inventione, de Cícero, e traz também preceitos para a escrita de cartas, preceitos de artes poéticas e exemplos históricos e bíblicos. Por seus preceitos e exemplos, que são tanto retóricos quanto éticos, o Tesouro ensina e faz o elogio da política, ao mesmo tempo que se apresenta como uma memória. / This study encompasses an analysis and a Portuguese translation of the prologue and the rhetoric of Brunetto Latini\'s Tresor. The text is a French compilation written around 1260, and it compiles materials useful to the science of politics, which is defined as the art of ruling a city. The Tresor is divided into three books, one about theorics, one about ethics, and the other about politics, which includes an art of rhetoric and a handbook for the podestà. The analysis of the prologue shows that politics are the guiding principle of the text, which is written in plain (attenuata) style, thus meant for instruction, and compiles and puts in a specific order excerpts taken from various authorities. As for the art of rhetoric, a part of politics, the text closely follows the subject matter of Cicero\'s De intentione, and also has precepts for letter writing, principles of poetry and historical and biblical examples. Through the precepts and examples, which are rhetoric as well as ethic, the Tresor teaches and praises politics, and at the same time operates as a memory.

Em nossa dissertação, estudamos o manual retórico de Sulpício Vítor, Institutiones Oratoriae. Nossa pesquisa é dividida em quatro partes. Na primeira, comentamos a bibliografia especializada que nos antecede, abordando questões importantes, como datação, ocorrência de alguns elementos retóricos e semelhança com outros manuais. Na segunda, comparamos os exemplos fornecidos por nosso autor com exercícios declamatórios, sobretudo os de Sêneca pai, mas também os de Calpúrnio Flaco e de Pseudo-Quintiliano. Na terceira, analisamos e explicamos a teoria dos estados de causa de Sulpício Vítor, comparando, sempre que possível, suas lições com as de outros textos. Na última, apresentamos uma tradução anotada para o português. / In our dissertation, we study Sulpitius Victors rhetoric handbook, Institutiones Oratoriae. Our research is divided into four parts. The first consists of a commentary to the specialized bibliography that precedes us, addressing important issues, such as dating, occurrence of some rhetorical elements and similarities with other handbooks. The second aims to compare examples given by our author with declamation exercises, especially those ones of Seneca the Elder, but also the ones of Calpurnius Flaccus and of Ps. Quintilian. The third is dedicated to the analysis and elucidation of Sulpitius Victors issue-theory, as we compare, whenever possible, his lessons with the ones of other texts. The last includes an annotated Portuguese translation.

Em nossa dissertação, estudamos o manual retórico de Sulpício Vítor, Institutiones Oratoriae. Nossa pesquisa é dividida em quatro partes. Na primeira, comentamos a bibliografia especializada que nos antecede, abordando questões importantes, como datação, ocorrência de alguns elementos retóricos e semelhança com outros manuais. Na segunda, comparamos os exemplos fornecidos por nosso autor com exercícios declamatórios, sobretudo os de Sêneca pai, mas também os de Calpúrnio Flaco e de Pseudo-Quintiliano. Na terceira, analisamos e explicamos a teoria dos estados de causa de Sulpício Vítor, comparando, sempre que possível, suas lições com as de outros textos. Na última, apresentamos uma tradução anotada para o português. / In our dissertation, we study Sulpitius Victors rhetoric handbook, Institutiones Oratoriae. Our research is divided into four parts. The first consists of a commentary to the specialized bibliography that precedes us, addressing important issues, such as dating, occurrence of some rhetorical elements and similarities with other handbooks. The second aims to compare examples given by our author with declamation exercises, especially those ones of Seneca the Elder, but also the ones of Calpurnius Flaccus and of Ps. Quintilian. The third is dedicated to the analysis and elucidation of Sulpitius Victors issue-theory, as we compare, whenever possible, his lessons with the ones of other texts. The last includes an annotated Portuguese translation.

This study seeks to address three main questions: How do Panegyric VI, Lactantius, and Eusebius characterise and utilise their respective visions in their narratives? In what ways are they similar and/or different? Are some or all of the accounts related and, if so, how do they contribute to the Christian Vision legend? In Chapter One the vision narrative in Panegyric VI is deconstructed to show that the panegyrist describes the vision as taking place on Constantine’s return march from Massalia and that he is describing a dream-vision that took place at the sanctuary of Apollo at Grand. In Chapter Two it is argued that: Lactantius never resided in Gaul; he places the vision incorrectly in 312 because he did not know the details of the tradition and used Licinius’ dream as a template; and the Christian character of the vision is part of his interpretation. In Chapter Three Eusebius’ account is deconstructed to show that: the vision story derives from Constantine ca. 336; there is evidence that Constantine was reconstructing his past experiences; Eusebius inserted parallels with St. Paul to give the appearance of a conversion narrative; and Constantine’s actual story shows little influence of Christian socialisation. In each chapter the core elements of the narratives are highlighted: each describes a dream-vision, in which a deity appears to Constantine with a promise of victory and a token representation of that promise. In Chapter Four it is argued that Lactantius and Eusebius are describing the same symbol, which is a tau-cross with a loop; and that the panegyrist and Eusebius describe the same vision: they give the same chronology, but the panegyrist avoids referencing a solar halo because it was an inopportune omen of civil war. In conclusion, all three sources describe the same experience from different perspectives: the vision of Apollo was being constantly adapted to incorporate new historical developments. Appended also is an argument for redating Panegyric VI to August 309 on the basis of the narratives of the panegyrist and Lactantius, as well as archaeological investigations at Cologne (Constantine’s bridge over the Rhine) and Deutz (Castellum Divitia).

This thesis investigates representations of dynastic legitimacy and imperial power in the later Roman Empire (AD 284-337). It explores the continuity and change in expressions of dynastic legitimacy by, for and about the emperors of this period, which were presented in coinage, panegyrics, and other literary and material evidence. I argue that familial relationships were used throughout this period to make legitimation claims or to counter claims made by rivals, rejecting the notion of clear breaks between the third century, the Tetrarchy and the reign of Constantine. The Tetrarchy’s creation of familial links through adoption and marriage led to a web of inter-familial relationships that they and later emperors used in promoting their own claims to imperial legitimacy. At the same time, the presentation of these imperial colleges as harmonious co-rulership relied heavily on the adaptation of pre-existing strategies, which in turn would be adapted by the emperors of the early fourth century. This thesis proceeds roughly chronologically, focusing on the regimes of individual emperors and their collaborators when possible. Chapter 1 examines the creation of the Tetrarchy as an extended ‘family’ and the adaptation of ideologies of third-century co-rulership. Chapter 2 explores the changes in the Second Tetrarchy, with an especial focus on the ‘Iovian’ family of Galerius and Maximinus Daza. Chapter 3 looks at Maxentius’ claims to both ‘retrospective’ and ‘prospective’ dynastic legitimacy. Chapter 4 examines Licinius’ legitimacy both as a co-ruler and brother-in-law of Constantine, and as the beginning of a new ‘Iovian’ dynasty. Chapter 5 delves deeper into the different claims to dynastic legitimacy made by Constantine over the course of his thirty-year reign. Taken together, these chapters offer a new approach by arguing against the dichotomy between ‘dynasty’ and ‘collegiality’ that tends to dominate scholarship of this period. Instead they focus on the similarities and continuities between the representations of imperial families and imperial colleges in order to understand how perceptions of dynastic legitimacy evolved in the third and fourth centuries.

La tesi si occupa di verificare l’influenza che i classici greci e latini hanno esercitato su i padri fondatori americani e più in particolare su Thomas Jefferson. La prima sezione tratteggia il contesto universitario e lo studio delle lingue classiche tra seicento e settecento, comprendendo non solo le università inglesi (Oxford e Cambridge) e scozzesi, ma anche i nuovi college nati nelle colonie americane. Tale analisi dei modelli e delle pratiche educative ha permesso, in effetti, di comprendere meglio l’influenza dei classici sui rivoluzionari americani. Nello specifico viene scandagliata a fondo l’educazione ricevuta da Jefferson. Tra i numerosi spunti di studio aperti da codesto argomento, il lavoro si concentra sulle modalità con cui i classici gli furono insegnati, sul suo Commonplace Book (una raccolta di brani tratti in parte da autori antichi letti in giovinezza) e su documentazione epistolare. Quest’ultima è oggetto particolare di studio, allo scopo di scoprire quali opere antiche Jefferson, in età adulta e durante la vecchiaia, lesse e apprezzò. Essendo un collezionista di libri, comprò moltissimi testi classici come dimostrano alcuni suoi manoscritti. Nonostante manchino dati precisi a riguardo, risulta inoltre che Jefferson, benché facesse largo uso di traduzioni, preferiva leggere in originale e che probabilmente abbia letto la maggior parte di questi libri durante il ritiro dalla vita politica. La seconda parte della tesi si concentra, invece, a indagare quanto la sua educazione classica abbia contributo alla formazione della sua personalità e delle sue idee, nonché alla forma stessa del suo pensiero in merito ad alcune tematiche. Lo studio è di conseguenza dedicato all’esperienza umana di Jefferson, in particolare alla sua riflessione sulla morte e sull’eternità, temi fortemente legati alla sua ricezione di idee epicuree e stoiche. Epicureismo e Stoicismo rappresentano, in definitiva, i due sistemi filosofici antichi che hanno maggiormente influenzato la sua personalità e il suo pensiero. / The aim of the present work is to evaluate the impact of the ancient classics on the American Founding Fathers, with a particular focus on Thomas Jefferson. The first section gives a wide portrait of the academic context in which the Founders were educated, comprising not only of Oxford, Cambridge, and the Scottish universities, but also the colonial colleges. The evaluation of the educational practices in use at the time makes it possible to understand better the classical impact on revolutionary Americans. In particular, this analysis studies in depth Jefferson's education. Of the many possible perspectives and approaches to this topic, the present work focuses on the way ancient classics were taught to him, his Commonplace Book, which reports part of the ancient classics he read during his youth, and his correspondence. The latter has been studied especially to understand which other ancient writers he read, valued, and esteemed in his adulthood and old age. As book collector, Jefferson bought an incredible number of ancient classics, as attested by a few manuscripts of his book lists. Despite the dearth of sure evidence, it is very likely that he read the ancient works largely during his retirement. He loved reading them in the original, though he made great use of translations. The second part of this work is dedicated to investigating how Jefferson's classical education contributed to the building of his personality and ideas, as well as how he elaborated specific classical themes in his own life. The study is thus focused on Jefferson's personal human experience, specifically on his reflection on human mortality and the afterlife. These themes, indeed, are strictly linked to his reception of Epicurean and Stoic tenets, the two ancient philosophical systems which had the greatest and most profound impact on Jefferson's personality and thought.