The primary aim of this research study is to examine how contextual and psychological variables interact on the development of Latina adolescents’ interests in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM). The literature review starts with an overview of career interest development theories and an identification of key common factors. The major factors of parent socialization and the social constructions of gender and ethnicity are then discussed with particular emphasis on how they may influence interest development for middle school Latina students. This section concludes with an investigation into differences in access to school science and math resources, an environmental factor that also impacts development. The final section proposes a quantitative analysis that will address various questions raised in the literature review. The proposed study consists of correlations and linear regressions, controlling for background variables, as well as investigating interactions between identified factors. / text

The current study examined and attempted to converge two existing models of identity, as well as provide quantitative data that support longstanding assumptions and hypotheses regarding gay and bisexual Latino men. Using contemporary models of ethnic identity and sexual orientation identity development as a conceptual framework, the study examined the convergence of these identities, the influence of cultural factors, and how this influences mental health, specifically depression. Participants were 276 self-identified gay or bisexual, Latino men, between the ages of 18-26 yrs old. Ninety three percent of the study’s sample (n = 257) self-identified as gay, where the other 7% (n = 19) self-identified as bisexual. Thirteen Latino ethnicities were represented in the sample, including, but not limited to, Mexican, Puerto Rican, Guatemalan, Cuban, and Ecuadorian. Participants completed a demographic form, the Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Identity Scale (Mohr & Fassinger, 2000), the Outness Inventory (Mohr & Fassinger, 2000), the Ethnic Identity Scale (Umana-Taylor, 2003), the Beck Depression Inventory-II (Beck, Steer, & Brown 1996) and a questionnaire on Managing Multiple Identities modeled after Chen’s (2005). The results of this study indicated that gay and bisexual men do struggle with integrating the two identities, ethnicity and sexual orientation. Cultural factors such as importance of family, religion, and homophobia, appear to contribute to endorsing symptoms of depression. Results indicated that many participants of the sample also struggled with managing the conflict they experienced through the convergence of the two identities, reporting Avoidance and Not Knowing as coping strategies for managing this conflict. This study provides evidence that supports some of the longstanding assumptions and hypotheses and assists in shedding new light on identity development conceptualization, identity convergence, and identity management between two identities as it relates to self-identified gay and bisexual Latino men. Additionally, through examining the convergence of ethnic identity and sexual orientation identity, this study was able to expand on the identity development literature. / text

This dissertation outlines findings from a critical ethnographic research study that attempted to document young Latinas engaging in critical mathematics education, with implications for shifting dominant ideas about the form and goals of education. As Latina youth are marginalized from classrooms and in society where their language, culture, practices, and community are seen as "problems," and particularly in mathematics classrooms where a dominant culture is said to further exclude girls, there is an exigency to understand how in fact Latina students could experience education as transformative. Critical race and feminist theories further argue for centralizing the experiences of women or girls of color as essential to understanding where change can happen in society because of the role that racism and sexism play in structuring educational experiences. Therefore, this study foregrounds the experiences of young Latinas as they engage in critical mathematics.A critical educational paradigm has been put forth whose purpose is to develop critical literacy in students where they investigate, make apparent and challenge oppressive societal structures. This critical ethnographic research study seeks to gain a more nuanced understanding of how young Latinas experience a social justice mathematics learning environment through the facilitation and research of an after-school, all girls mathematics club. More specifically, data in the form of field notes, videotaped sessions, classroom observations, student work and interviews offers a rich source for analysis of their practices in the learning environment, their perceptions of mathematics, themselves as learners of mathematics and as people who can make changes in their lives, communities and in the world. The construct of critical mathematical agency is employed in attempting to understand how the participants' actions expressed a sense of being able to use mathematics to critique and change their worlds. Analysis revealed they engaged in resistance, research and (re)authoring, as ways of expressing critical mathematical agency. In addition, their insight into critical mathematics education highlights the importance of incorporating critical funds of knowledge, fostering collectivity, and centering the experiences in authentic, community contexts. This understanding will inform arguments for seeking social justice through mathematics education and educational research, particularly for Latina youth.

Abstract Purpose: Acculturation is associated with negative health behaviors and dietary practices among Latino’s in the U.S. Many social aspects include educational attainment, poverty, cultural norms and socio-cultural markers such as acculturation have been shown to directly and indirectly influence risk for obesity. However, few studies have examined the impact that acculturation has on obesity among children. For this reason, the objective of this thesis is to examine the prevalence and correlates of overweight in Latino children focusing specifically on language spoken at home as a proxy measure for acculturation. Methods: Secondary analysis were conducted of the National Survey of Children’s Health (2003). The cross-sectional analyses were limited to Hispanic children ages 6-17. Descriptive, bivariate, and multivariate analyses were conducted. Multivariate logistic regression analyses were conducted to determine the association between overweight and language spoken at home, age, gender, educational attainment, media use, neighborhood safety and exercise frequency. Finally, stratified analyses were conducted to determine the prevalence and correlates of overweight in Spanish versus English speaking households. Results: Currently, the CDC reports that the prevalence of overweight among Latino children is 22%, higher than both non-Hispanic white and non-Hispanic black respectively. The findings show that Spanish language spoken at home is significantly associated with overweight among Latino children (Adj.OR 1.25 95% CI:1.09-1.43). Educational attainment showed significant association with increase in overweight; the lower the educational attainment the more likely these children were overweight. Additionally, frequent exercise reduced likelihood of overweight. Conclusions: Although, the findings are contradictory to the literature,primary language is associated with overweight for Latino children. The results also suggest that there are important similarities and differences between primary Spanish and English speaking Latino household that can be used to inform prevention programs and strategies for reducing overweight specifically among Latinos.

<p>This dissertation examines the political representation of non<&ndash>citizen Latinos in the U.S. states. Specifically, it investigates why lawmakers, seen as primarily driven by the goal of reelection, would be compelled to vote for or sponsor legislation to favor this non<&ndash>citizen, non<&ndash>voting population.</p><p>Using newly collected data on bill sponsorship and roll call voting, combined with data collected from an original survey of current state lawmakers, I test a more nuanced version of David Mayhew<&rsquo>s reelection theory. I examine the short<&ndash>term and long<&ndash>term reelection goals of lawmakers finding that both current and potential future voting populations in a district (including non<&ndash>citizens) have significant effects on voting and sponsorship decisions. In addition, I find evidence to suggest that personal characteristics of a lawmaker, most notably ethnic identity, also affect legislative behavior. In line with an alternative <&ldquo>good public policy theory,<&rdquo> my results demonstrate that even when electoral pressures are low, Latino lawmakers remain significantly more likely to support non<&ndash>citizen interests when compared to all other lawmakers. The broader implication of this finding is that descriptive representation matters and the identity link between Latino legislators and non<&ndash>citizen Latinos in society encourages behavior that is not fully explained by standard reelection theories.</p> / Dissertation

Memoria para optar al Título de Periodista / Un informe de la ONU, publicado a fines de 2013, determinó que Chile es el país de Sudamérica en que más creció el número de inmigrantes entre 1990 y 2013. Durante esos 23 años, los extranjeros residentes en nuestro país pasaron de ser 107 mil a poco más de 441 mil. La tendencia al alza se mantiene hasta el día de hoy, pero no solo eso, sino que además de ir en aumento la cifra de inmigrantes, también se ha ampliado el abanico de sus países de procedencia, el propósito por el que vienen y el tiempo que se quedan. Según datos del Departamento de Extranjería y Migración (DEM), en 2012 se solicitaron 55 mil visas de trabajo, un 35% más que el año anterior, y cerca de 100 mil personas solicitaron visa de residencia temporal, un 31% más que el año 2011. Caminar por Chile y, sobre todo, por las calles de Santiago, ya no es lo mismo que hace una década. Actualmente, nos encontramos con migrantes en la panadería de en frente y en la plaza. En ciertos lugares de la capital existen barrios que estos nuevos santiaguinos han hecho suyos a lo largo de estos años. La bienvenida migración ha ido transformando el espacio público y también, a veces sin que nos demos cuenta, nuestra forma de vivir y convivir.

This study uncovers the experiences of Latinos/as in allied health graduate programs and provides vital information which may help increase the number of Latino/a healthcare providers. It focuses on the testimonios (life narratives) of 9 Latinos/as who graduated from allied health graduate programs. Academic resilience and community cultural wealth theories framed the study while testimonio methodology guided data collection. Alumni were interviewed about the personal experiences and educational journeys that led them to successfully complete graduate allied health degrees. Participants’ family background, educational history, personal and environmental factors were considered. Participants described learning about the value of education early in their lives in home and school settings. The interviews also revealed the importance of participants’ personal drive and desire to excel academically and professionally. Participants noted that the academic rigor and adjustment required to succeed in graduate allied health programs, combined with feelings of social isolation, made their transition to the graduate program challenging. Family and social networks were noted as the most supportive in regards to participants’ retention and success. Research implications include the use of methodologies and theoretical frameworks which focus on the voices and experiences of underrepresented students in the allied health professions. Implications for allied health schools include intentional recruitment of underrepresented student populations, the establishment of social support systems, student affairs offices, and the inclusion of social class, ethnicity, and cultural diversity as standards by which allied health schools are rated for accreditation and re-accreditation purposes.

No description available.

We frequently hear that Latinos are the fastest growing minority group in the United States. We also know that like many American immigrant groups, Latinos tend to reside in states where a critical mass of their community already is settled, in this case largely for geo-political reasons (e.g. New Mexico, Arizona, California, Texas, Florida and New York). Why, then, is Latino participation in national politics lower than white, Black, and Asian voters? And who has an interest in doing something about it? This project addresses several interrelated questions concerning the place of Latinos in American politics and the health of democracy in the United States. Political parties are meant to link citizens to the state. However, parties often fear that reaching out to certain groups may alienate the concerns of some core voters, providing a disincentive to political parties to prioritize Latino outreach. Here, I ask, to what degree are local political parties involved in mobilizing Latino voters as compared to other voting groups? Interest groups have much narrower constituencies than political parties by definition, but their purpose may not be exclusively, or even primarily, electoral. So, what role do interest groups and community organizations play in getting Latinos to vote? Perhaps parties and interest groups compliment each other's efforts to mobilize Latinos, so I ask, what relationship do political parties and interest groups develop in the push to mobilize Latino voters? I hypothesize that political parties increase efforts to mobilize Latino communities when these groups of voters are known to be reliable partisan voters and pivotal to winning elections at the local, state, and/or national level. Party organizations are unlikely to target Latino voters when they are few in number and make little difference in an election. Second, interest groups and organizations concerned with Latinos issues are going to be more consistent in mobilizing Latino voters whether or not they constitute a significant segment of the population and are pivotal to winning elections at the local, state, and/or national level. To answer these questions, I use several methods to gather data. Between November of 2008 and February 2009, I conducted a mail survey of 217 county political party chairs concerning Latino mobilization in the 2008 Presidential race. The survey was submitted to the chairs of every county political party in the ten states with the highest percentage of Latino population: Arizona, California, Nevada, Colorado, Florida, Illinois, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, and Texas. Responses were then matched to county census and election data in order to understand the relationship between mobilization activity, county demographics, and partisan identity. What best predicts Latino mobilization? Using a multiple regression model, I found that Latino population size threshold and whether a county resides in a presidential swing state most strongly predict Latino mobilization. The greater the size of the Latino community within a county's population, the more likely political parties will seek to reach out to Latino voters. The data suggests that the likelihood that local parties made an attempt to mobilize Latino voters more than doubles when the county's Latino population moves above 25% of the total population. The impact of interest group activity by community organizations also seemed to spur greater party mobilization efforts towards Latinos. Likewise, national political dynamics have a trickle down impact on local Latino communities. County party organizations are more inclined to reach out to Latino voters in states where presidential elections are contested and where Latino votes could have an impact on close elections. Lastly, I conducted a qualitative case study to understand how this mobilization operates in practice. I explored strategies taken by several interest groups and community organization leaders in Nevada during the 2010 midterm elections to detail how those groups attempt to reach and mobilize Latinos, and the possible position political parties may fill in Latino communities where interest groups have become important politically in mobilizing voters, and vice versa. The case study reveals that Latino mobilization by parties and interest groups is part of a larger phenomenon in contemporary American elections in which voters are targeted by a partisan network of political actors that employ political parties, partisan interest groups, party and outside spending organization donors, and partisan volunteers. My work parallels and expands Mildred A. Schwartz's work (1990) on party networks and the complexity of relationships between political parties and interest groups to include how these political actors interact with Latino voters in the United States. / Political Science

Currently there are 4.5 million U.S.-born children with at least one undocumented parent who are at risk of being deported (Passel and Cohn, 2011). The sudden loss caused by parental deportation destabilizes families and causes emotional distress, conduct issues, and academic decline in children (Dreby, 2012). Given the negative impact that deportation has on children and the recent increase of immigration efforts under the current administration (Cervantes, Ullrich, and Matthews, 2018), this study aimed to explore the long-term impacts of deportation on Latino children. This study used an interpretive phenomenological approach and retrospective interviews to gain understanding of how adults who experienced parental deportation as children made meaning of their experiences over time. Ten Latino adults who had a parent deported when they were between the ages of 7 and 17 were interviewed in depth about their parent's deportation, the long-term impact on their families and childhood, and how they made sense of those experiences as adults. Findings suggest that adults who have had a parent deported during childhood experienced long-term loss throughout their childhood, noticed their parent's absence more as they got older, and felt a lack of guidance while growing up. While some participants reported depression, anxiety or misconduct in childhood, positive beliefs about the experience emerged from the data that demonstrated resiliency. Implications for clinical practice and intervention are discussed. Researchers also make recommendations for future research. / Master of Science