51 |
The Florida legislature and the information ageSturge, Clarke S. 01 January 1998 (has links)
No description available.
|
52 |
Exploring the variation of economic performance within developing democracies : an institutional analysis of East and South-east Asia : a thesis submitted in fulfulment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science in the Department of Political Science and Communication [at the] University of Canterbury /Anderson, S. J. January 2008 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2008. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-114). Also available via the World Wide Web.
|
53 |
The use of democratic institutions as a strategy to legitimize authoritarian rule.Michalik, Susanne 05 1900 (has links)
Numerous authoritarian states use institutions usually associated with democratic regimes like a constitution, elections, and a legislature. This seems to be counterintuitive. Authoritarian regimes should rather shrink away from democratic institutions. Elections can be won by the opposition and legislatures can make decisions against the interests of the ruler. So, why do autocratic regimes install institutions which limit their power and threaten their survival in office? Assuming actors behave rationally, one should expect authoritarian rulers only to introduce procedures working in their favor. This study looks at the effect of institutions in authoritarian regimes. The findings suggest that legislatures significantly lower the chances of regime breakdown in the long run. However, particularly in election years, authoritarian regimes are facing a higher likelihood of failure.
|
54 |
Unpacking the political legitimacy of parliament in an emerging democracy: the case of Malawi, 1994 to 2011Jana, Michael Patrick Eliezer 11 November 2014 (has links)
Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science
Graduate School for Humanities and Social Sciences
University of the Witwatersrand / Political legitimacy manifests differently in different state institutions, and
comprehending its dynamics is a prerequisite to understanding power, authority,
capacity, consolidation, and sustainability of any political regime. Supported by
evidence from a case study of the Malawian parliament from 1994 to 2011, my
original contribution to knowledge is that political legitimacy of representative
institutions in emerging democracies has three minimum dimensions, namely: public
perception of the acceptability and fairness of formal procedures guiding a
representative institution; public emotional attachment to the institution; and public
perception of performance effectiveness of the institution. I label these dimensions as
juridical; symbolic; and instrumental legitimacy respectively. I therefore posit that,
deficiency in any or some of the three legitimacy dimensions has the potential to
compel those represented, who may be self-confessed democrats, to demand
institutional reforms that ironically may go against the very tenets of multi-party
democracy. The Malawi parliament case shows that legitimacy deficiency of
parliament seems to be facilitated by public dissatisfaction with their local socioeconomic
status, in the context of a dysfunctional local government, and coupled with
the public perception of parliament as a responsible institution given its status in the
perceived representation hierarchy that places it above the local government. This
situation is aggravated given the fact that Malawi parliament, rightly so, is neither
institutionally nor financially supported to directly address local development issues;
and that, erroneously, the parliament is neither institutionally nor financially
supported to effectively carry out its representation function despite representation
carrying the status of a meta-function. The lack of political will for public
consultations and lack of intra-party democracy in political parties represented in
parliament has also tremendously eroded the influence of political parties hence further undermining the legitimacy of the whole multi-party regime. Using principles
of external validity in case study research therefore, the Malawian case study provides analytical insights that can be extrapolated to understand political legitimacy of
representative institutions in other emerging democracies that have similar context to
that of Malawi.
|
55 |
Political forces of party elites on nationalism and democratization in Hong Kong : a case study on the electoral reforms of the Legislative Council in 1984-2004 /Mu, Yang. January 2006 (has links) (PDF)
Thesis (M.Phil.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2006. / "Submitted to Department of Applied Social Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy" Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-133)
|
56 |
What drives reforms in local people's congresses?: the dynamics of local congressional developments in PRC :1979-2011Sun, Ying, 孙莹 January 2011 (has links)
This thesis analyzes the development of Chinese local people’s congresses (LPCs) in the reform era (1979 onwards). It explores the dynamics behind this development and the role LPCs play in legal-political reform in China.
Changes to LPCs are examined in the following areas: national laws and local regulations concerning the LPC system, organization and operation of the LPCs and their standing committees, elections for deputies at both direct and indirect level, and the activities of deputies, including deputy-voter interactions.
Based on empirical findings, this thesis argues that LPC reform involves top-down legal reform of the congressional system, social stratification, the emergence of new social classes, a new awareness of rights, and greater public participation. It concludes that through congress elections, Chinese people are increasingly educated and trained to exert their political rights; meanwhile, through congress operations the Party state is becoming more institutionalized, legalized, and pluralistic. That is the contribution made by LPCs to the rule of law and democracy in China. / published_or_final_version / Law / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy
|
57 |
THE MEXICAN CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES AND THE MEXICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMDe la Garza, Rodolfo O. January 1972 (has links)
No description available.
|
58 |
Term limits in the U.S. Congress : a historical and judicial investigationMorris, Melanie K. January 1996 (has links)
Limiting the terms of members of Congress has become a highsalience issue in contemporary American political discourse, necessitating the attention of the United States Supreme Court to provide constitutional guidance. The forces reviving this debate, dormant since the nation's founding period, merit scrutiny. In addition to reviewing the positions of term limitation advocates and opponents, specific limitation proposals--which lack uniformity as some are chamber-specific, others are life-time bans, etc--also require investigation. The review of relevant judicial precedents will also provide helpful preliminary information useful to analyze U.S. Term Limits vs. Thornton, the term limits case decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in May 1995. Researching this increasingly divisive political issue ought to generate a useful, concise synopsis of the historical and judicial issues underpinning the debate, the discussion itself, and analysis of relevant judicial action. / Department of Political Science
|
59 |
Die schweizerische Staatsleitung : im Spannungsfeld von nationaler Konsensfindung, Europäsierung und Internationalisierung ; mit Bezügen zu Belgien, Deutschland, Frankreich, Grossbritannien und Österreich /Brühl-Moser, Denise. January 2007 (has links) (PDF)
Univ., Habil--Basel, 2006.
|
60 |
An analysis of economic efficiency in predicting legislative voting beyond a traditional liberal-conservative spectrumBoozer, Benjamin Bryan. Permaloff, Anne, January 2008 (has links) (PDF)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Auburn University, 2008. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references.
|
Page generated in 0.0617 seconds