The present study explores the status of government ministerial libraries in Maseru, Lesotho, with the purpose of discovering the factors which affect the growth and development of these libraries. To provide a wider context within which to view this study literature dealing with government libraries was examined. Nineteen government ministerial libraries were chosen as a population for the study. However, only fourteen ministerial libraries were eventually surveyed. Twenty library workers were interviewed using a structured questionnaire as the data collection instrument. The collected information was analysed manually. The study established that there are very few laws and regulations that govern the existence of libraries in Lesotho. The responses showed that even though there are government ministerial policies they do not accommodate libraries. The majority of these libraries do not get support from government for library material and therefore they depend only on donations which are not adequate, most of the time, for the needs of the users. The responses also revealed that the majority of government libraries do not function in the way that fully-fledged libraries do. The library workers revealed that the educational standards of library workers in Lesotho are not satisfactory at all. Among the staff of government libraries that were interviewed only five had a university degree, two had a university diploma and two had university certificates. It was found that some of the library services had not performed well becasue of one-man libraries and a lack of qualified staff The responses from the interviews established that government ministerial libraries in Lesotho are static; they do not grow and develop largely out of a lack of recognition, a lack of interest and a lack of upport from the government. Recommendations are based on the findings of the study with the hope that they will provide a basis for properly equipped and adequately staffed library services in all ministries in future. / Thesis (M.I.S.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.

The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between personal demographic variables of Indiana's legislators and their voting records regarding laws associated with tobacco regulation. Personal demographic data of the legislators who were in office in either 1997 and/or 1998 were compared with their voting records on tobacco issues during that same time period. The evidence suggests that Democratic legislators appear to be more in favor of tobacco control than their Republican counterparts and legislators that are members of the House of Representatives are more supportive of tobacco control than their counterparts in the Senate. Conversely, the evidence suggests that there were no statistically significant differences on tobacco voting records when the legislators were grouped by representation of a tobacco district, level of education the legislator has attained, holding an office in their respective chambers, or their occupations other than being a legislator.The results of this study can be used to better educate legislators on the consequences of tobacco use and the benefits of voting for pro-tobacco control legislation. Future studies should include attempts to form a profile of a pro-tobacco control or pro-tobacco industry legislator at both the state and national level. / Department of Physiology and Health Science

Diplomarbeit - Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 86-87).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Université René Descartes-Paris V, 1979. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [475]-480) and index.

Thesis (doctoral)--Philipps-Universität Marburg, 2003. / "Kurzbiografien: Frauen in den Landtagen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1946 bis 1960"--P. 302-340. Includes bibliographical references (p. 282-296).

O objetivo desta pesquisa é verificar ao lógicas que orientam o recrutamento para as Comissões Permanentes da Câmara de Deputados nas Legislaturas de 1991/1994 e 1995/1999. A hipótese principal é a de que o pertencimento à aliança eleitoral do Presidente da República induz os partidos políticos a realizarem um recrutamento baseado em critérios de lealdade política para as comissões estratégicas para a agenda do executivo. Já os partidos de oposição, segundo a hipótese, são obrigados a buscarem no próprio legislativo, ou nos governos estaduais, as fontes de recursos para suas bases eleitorais, implicando assim, num recrutamento baseado em critérios de especialização ou auto-seletivo. O quadro teórico utilizado combina elementos do neoinstitucionalismo e teoria dos jogos, e visa compreender, a partir do conjunto das instituições políticas brasileiras, as estratégias utilizadas por partidos e parlamentares no recrutamento para as comissões. / The objective of this research is to verify to the logics that you guide the recruitment for the Permanent Committees of the Camera of Deputies in the Legislatures of 1991/1994 and 1995/1999. The main hypothesis is the that the participation in the President electoral alliance induces the political parties accomplish it a recruitment based on criteria of political loyalty for the strategic committees for the executive's agenda. Already the opposition parties, according to the hypothesis, they are forced her look for in the own legislative, or in the state governments, the sources of resources for their electoral bases, implicating like this, in a recruitment based on specialization criteria, or selfselective. The used theoretical structure combines elements of the newinstitutionalism and theory of the games, and he seeks to understand, starting from the group of the Brazilian political institutions, the strategies used by parties and parliamentary in the recruitment for the committees.

O objetivo desta pesquisa é verificar ao lógicas que orientam o recrutamento para as Comissões Permanentes da Câmara de Deputados nas Legislaturas de 1991/1994 e 1995/1999. A hipótese principal é a de que o pertencimento à aliança eleitoral do Presidente da República induz os partidos políticos a realizarem um recrutamento baseado em critérios de lealdade política para as comissões estratégicas para a agenda do executivo. Já os partidos de oposição, segundo a hipótese, são obrigados a buscarem no próprio legislativo, ou nos governos estaduais, as fontes de recursos para suas bases eleitorais, implicando assim, num recrutamento baseado em critérios de especialização ou auto-seletivo. O quadro teórico utilizado combina elementos do neoinstitucionalismo e teoria dos jogos, e visa compreender, a partir do conjunto das instituições políticas brasileiras, as estratégias utilizadas por partidos e parlamentares no recrutamento para as comissões. / The objective of this research is to verify to the logics that you guide the recruitment for the Permanent Committees of the Camera of Deputies in the Legislatures of 1991/1994 and 1995/1999. The main hypothesis is the that the participation in the President electoral alliance induces the political parties accomplish it a recruitment based on criteria of political loyalty for the strategic committees for the executive's agenda. Already the opposition parties, according to the hypothesis, they are forced her look for in the own legislative, or in the state governments, the sources of resources for their electoral bases, implicating like this, in a recruitment based on specialization criteria, or selfselective. The used theoretical structure combines elements of the newinstitutionalism and theory of the games, and he seeks to understand, starting from the group of the Brazilian political institutions, the strategies used by parties and parliamentary in the recruitment for the committees.

This study entails an examination of the extent of participation by non-governmental organisations (NGO’s) in the legislative process of the KwaZulu-Natal Legislature (KZN legislature). It aims to explore how far these NGO’s have taken advantage of the new South African policy based on transparency, openness and accountability. It is hypothesized that organised groups such as these have been very involved in government decision-making processes, since the start of the new democratic South Africa in 1994. This study, however, proves that there is minimal public participation and especially NGO participation in the KZN Legislature in particular and in government in general. It further uncovers various problems experienced by these NGO’s in trying to participate in the legislative process. The legislature’s inaccessibility was seen as one of the major inhibiting factors. Apathy and lack of interest in the legislative process were also identified as a problem amongst these NGO’s. This study has raised many issues that both the NGO sector and the KZN Legislature itself have to address in order that our newly founded democracy can be truly nurtured. This study is divided into two parts. The first part explores literature on democracy, that enables the policy making process and civil society to help give a clear indication on what various authors think should be the input of civil society in the policy making process of any democratic country. The second part looks at the South African situation and the findings of this study. / Dissertation (MA (Political Policy Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study's investigation focuses on the role played by the NCOP in the national legislature as the second chamber of parliament. It looks in particular at how the NCOP has managed in its deliberations, and as mandated by the Constitution to represent provinces. Subsection 42 (4) of the Constitution stipulates that; " The NCOP represent the provinces to ensure that provincial interests are taken into account in the national sphere of government" (RSA Act 108, 1996). The question that the study seeks to answer IS: does the National Council of Provinces in its deliberations work to represent the interests of provinces in the national legislature rather than those of the party in control of the province? In answering the research question the study's approach is qualitative in nature. In other words, data collection methods were confined to documents and other important sources such as NCOP Publications namely, the NCOP News and the NCOP Review. Looking at the literature on second chambers, the study found that for second chambers to play an effective role in the legislature, the Constitution must equip them with adequate legislative powers. This means that the Constitution must give second chambers a veto on all Bills affecting their jurisdictions. Where a veto is non existent, irrespective of what legislative powers a second chamber may posses, if not elected directly by the electorate, it will suffer the accusations of rubber stamping Bills passed by the first house. The NCOP falls in the same category of second houses with no veto over Bills affecting provinces. Its legislative powers on these Bills are blunted by the NA's twothirds majority in the legislature and as a result remain a subordinate of the first house and that of the ruling party. Furthermore, administrative and communication problems experienced by the institution hinder it in its role of representing provinces. Equally so, the dominance of the ruling ANC in the provinces makes it difficult to determine whether mandates delivered by provincial legislatures carry the interests of provinces or those of the party in power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie-ondersoek is gerig op die rol wat die NRVP (Nasionale Raad Van Provinsies), as die tweede huis van die Parlement. Die werk is spesifiek gerig op die manier hoe die NRVP vaar in hul debatvoerings, asook in hul verteenwoordiging van provinsies soos voorgeskryf in die Grondwet. Sub-artikel 42 (4) van die grondwet stipuleer dat "die NRVP verteenwoordig die provinsies om te verseker dat provinsiale belange in ag geneem word op die nasionale sfeer van die regering." (RSA Wet 108 van 1996). Die vraag wat hierdie studie poog om te antwoord, is die volgende: werk die NRVP in hul debatsvoerings om die belange van die provinsies in die nasionale wetgewer te verteenwoordig inplaas van die belange van die party in beheer van 'n spesifieke provinsie? In die beantwoording van hierdie navorsings-vraag, is die studie benadering kwalitatief in aard. Met ander woorde - data invorderings metodes was beperk tot dokumente en ander belangrike bronne soos NRVP publikasies, naamlik die "NCOP News" en die "NCOP Review". Na 'n bestudering van literatuur rondom die tweede huis van Parlement, het hierdie studie bevind dat vir die tweede huis om 'n effektiewe rol te speel in die wetgewer, die Grondwet dit moet toerus met genoegsame wetgewende magte. Dit beteken onder andere dat die grondwet die tweede huis 'n veto-reg gee oor alle wetsontwerpe wat hulle jurisdiksie raak. Waar 'n veto-reg nie bestaan nie, ongeag die wetgewende mag wat die NRVP mag hê, sal dit bieg gebuk gaan onder die beskuldiging dat dit 'n rubberstempel plaas op wetsontwerpe uitgevaardig deur die Nasionale Vergadering. Die NRVP val in dieselfde katagorie van tweede huise wat nie 'n veto-reg het oor wetsontwerpe wat provinsies raak. Die NRVP se wetgewende mag oor hierdie wetsonwerpe word geskoei op die Nasionale Vergadering se twee-derde meerderheid en gevolglik bly dit ondergeskik aan die Nasionale Vergadering. Verder, administratiewe-en kommunikasie-probleme wat ondervind word deur die liggaam, hinder dit in die rol van verteenwoordiger van die provinsies. Gelykstaande hieraan, is die dominering van die bewindvoerende party - die ANC. In die provinsies is dit moeilik om vas te stel of die voorskrifte van die provinsiale wetgewer werklik handel oor die belange van die provinsies self of die is van die party in die meerderheid.

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Globally participatory democracy is viewed as essential to ensure a high level of legitimacy, contribute to empowerment and strengthen democracy. Although South Africa is a representative democracy, it also adheres to the principles of participatory democracy as Parliament and the nine Provincial Legislatures are constitutionally mandated to elicit public participation in its decision-making and policy processes. This study’s main aim is to determine whether the public participation strategies employed in the South African legislative sector at present are effective and enhance decision-making and policy processes. Following a discussion of the theoretical context and rationale for public participation, a limited international perspective on public participation was given. The study proceeded to explore the application of public participation in the local South African context with specific focus on the legislative environment. In order to provide evidence in support of the research statement an investigation was done on the current state of public participation in the South African legislative environment. Responses from a semi-structured questionnaire on public participation in the South African legislative context were processed into a comparative table to obtain an overall picture of the legislative sector. From the findings it is clear that there are many positive factors and innovative ideas in place across the legislative sector, yet the weaknesses still far outweigh the strengths.