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論文中Tough-與Middle-結構句中的"容易"、"好"、與"難" / Between Tough and Middle: On Mandarin Rongyi, Hao, and Nan劉淑梅, Liu, Shu Mei Unknown Date (has links)
本篇論文旨在研究中文"容易","好",與"難"所屬的句式,內部結構,及此三者混淆難辨的原因。
我們認為"容易"屬Tough-結構,乃由Raising- 句主題化而來。"好"則屬Middle- 結構,是經詞彙律衍生而成。此分析正確的解釋二者表現之異同。
由歷史演變觀之,"難"應屬Tough- 結構,為"容易"之反義詞。但因近代Middle- 結構興起,表面結構與Tough同,類化作用於焉產生,"難看"為一例。 / This study aims to identify the constructions of rongyi, hao, and nan sentencesin Mandarin, analyze their internal structure, and provide appropriate accountstoward the long-term confusion among these three.
Rongyi, in our analysis, is a gradable stative verb leading a tough construction.The so-called Tough Construction in Mandarin is a topicalized raising construc-tion with a generic subject. This analysis not only captures the generalization among similalr constructions (Raising Construction, Tough Construction, and topicalized sentences) but also accounts for its characteristics such as overtagent, long-distance binding, and so on.
Hao is a prefix triggering Middle Rule which surpresses all the theta-roles of atransitive active verb but the patient-like one (with the feature [-r]), yieldinga statve verb haoV as a middle predicate. The appropriateness of middles is subject to two pragmatic constraints, which further support our treatment of middle as a lexical process. The lexical approach successfully explains the surpressed agent, the inseparability between hao and V, and some other characte-ristics of middles.
Judging from diachronic evidence, nan is basically the antonym of rongyi and ap-pears in a raising construction, tough construction, and topicalized sentences as rongyi does. Analogy takes place, however, that in some cases, nan and its following verb are reanalyzed and undergo semantic shift due to its identical linear order with middleconstruction. That reflects the characteristics of languagechange.
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論元改變規則: 中文間接受詞的轉換與地方詞倒置現象 / Function-Changing Rules: Dative Shift and Locative Inversion in Mandarin Chinese黃惠婷, Huang, Hui Ting Unknown Date (has links)
本篇論文以詞彙映照理論 (Lexical Mapping Theory) 為理論基礎,討論
中文間接受詞的轉換與地方詞倒置的現象。藉由詞彙映照理論,本篇論文
顯示中文間接受詞的轉換與地方詞倒置的現象是受了詞彙律(
morpholexical rule)的影響。本篇論文進而指出論元結構的改變在於詞
彙律是否參與映照過成。如果一個句子可由述結構所管轄的論元結構和語
法功能相互映照而預測出它的表面結構,我們便視這個句子為基本的語法
結構。如果一個句子在映照過成中需要詞彙律參與運作才能預測出它的表
層結構,我們便將之歸類為衍生的句法結構。
In the current theory of Lexical Functional Grammar, the
lexical Mapping Theory (LMT) distinguishes itself with its non-
transformational prediction of the surface structures of
sentences. This thesis demonstrates that with a revised LMT,
we gain a new insight on the syntactic account of Mandarin
dative construction and locative inversion. The revised LMT
asserts for a null intrinsic value for the goal and locative
roles, a morpholexical operation on primitive features and a
principle of underspecification. The intrinsic classifications
is motivated from the concept of prototype. The morpholexical
operation may add but not change features. The principle of
underspecification signifies the spirit of markedness. With
this revised LMT, we focus our concern on how the functional
structures of dative construction and locative inversion are to
be syntactically projected via the mapping principles that
govern the correspondence between thematic roles of the
argument structure and grammatical functions. Within the
framework of this revised LMT, the Dative Shift and
alternations between locative phrase and locative inversion are
explained with the operation of morpholexical rules. In this
thesis, kernal dative constructions and locative phrase are
defined as structures without morpholexical rules whereas the
derived dative construction and locative inversion are
interpreted as sentence structutes mediated by morpholexical
operations.
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漢語動結式中的中心語與論元體現 / Headedness and argument realization in mandarin resultative compounds吳郁賢, Wu, Yu Hsien Unknown Date (has links)
有關漢語動結式的議題,中心語與論元體現皆呈現了複雜的現象。就中心語這部份,過去研究(Cheng & Huang, 1994; Gu, 1992; Huang & Lin, 1992; Y. Li, 1990, 1993, 1995, 1999; C. Li, 2008, 2009; Shen, 1992; Tai, 2003)的論點相當分歧,顯示漢語動結式中心語的位置仍有討論的空間;至於論元體現方面,由於論元與詞類間的互動會帶出許多不同的語意和句法表現,而先前的研究(Her, 2004, 2007; Li, 1990, 1995)尚未足以完整的解釋這些情形。
本研究主要從詞彙的角度來探討中心語和論元體現這兩個議題。首先,依照Her (2004, 2007)的分析方式,本研究嘗試排列出漢語動結式合法的論元結構,並利用這些論元結構描述各個動結式的論元體現,解釋可能的語意及句法結構。接著,同樣根據所提出的合法論元結構,以顯現的論元為主,並採用有關判斷中心語的假設(Zwicky, 1984; Y. Li, 1990, 1995; Chung, 2006; C. Li, 2008, 2009),整理出漢語動結式中心語的位置。最後,詞彙功能語法中的詞彙映照理論驗證了本研究前半部分對論元體現與中心語的討論,這個理論也另外解釋漢語動結式處所詞倒置的現象。 / Two issues regarding Mandarin resultative compounds, headedness and argument realization, present a complex phenomenon. For one thing, extensive studies (Cheng & Huang, 1994; Gu, 1992; Huang & Lin, 1992; Y. Li, 1990, 1993, 1995, 1999; C. Li, 2008, 2009; Shen, 1992; Tai, 2003) concerning headedness fail to critically determine the head of a Mandarin resultative compound. For another, despite previous research (Her, 2004, 2007; Li, 1990, 1995), the interaction between arguments and grammatical functions of Mandarin resultative compounds remains inconclusive.
To settle the foregoing matters, the purpose of this thesis is to probe into argument realization and headedness from a lexicalist approach, aiming to provide a full account of both issues. In the first part of this thesis, following Her’s (2004, 2007) analysis, the thesis focuses on formulating systematic feasible argument structures for Mandarin resultative compounds, then examining the argument structures of a resultative compound to explain its possible readings and syntactic representations. Based on the available argument structures proposed in the first half, the second part of the thesis investigates the headedness of Mandarin resultative compounds, suggesting that the head can be determined when arguments are overt. The criterion for headedness that is adopted in this thesis involves assumptions proposed by Zwicky (1984), Y. Li (1990, 1995), Chung (2006), and C. Li (2008, 2009). Finally, the thesis demonstrates that both issues of argument realization and headedness are well governed by Lexical Mapping Theory and that Lexical Mapping Theory further clarifies constructions with locative inversion of Mandarin resultative compounds.
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