In this thesis I have provided a critique of the stream of contractarian liberalism which finds its source in the work of John Locke, tracing its influence through the French Revolution and into our own era in the work of the contemporary liberal theorist John Rawls. I have drawn particular attention to the substantive and methodological assumptions which unify these three instantiations of the contractarian tradition. I have challenged this stream of liberalism by offering an exposition of the thought of Edmund Burke. During the course of the thesis I have looked at the central themes which characterised Burke's thought, drawing particular attention to Burke's understanding of the British constitution, common law and his regard for the institutional church. Secondly, I have analysed the theological content of Burke's political thought, demonstrating that Burke's political thought emerged from his Christian faith and his concomitant belief in the natural law. I have argued that, as a result, there is a profound consonance between the central principles of the Christian faith and the conservative tradition which followed Burke. In the course of this argument I have defended the natural law school of Burkean scholarship and presented a clear link between Burke and the thought of Thomas Aquinas. Thirdly, I have unearthed some of the theological convictions which were historically resident in the British legal tradition that informed Burke's thought and I have shown how these assumptions run counter to the central ideas of the contractarian tradition. I have concluded by arguing that there are specifiable aspects of contractarian liberalism which should be treated with suspicion by Christians.

Orientador: Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da Cunha / Banca: Angélica Lovato / Banca: Marly de Almeida Gomes Vianna / Resumo: Este trabalho pretende demonstrar como o discurso produzido pelo periódico O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP), entre 1930 e 1937, mais especificamente no ano de 1935, escolhido para essa análise, pôde influenciar a opinião pública, quando não formá-la, por meio de uma prática jornalística permeada de concepções ideológicas e de jogos de interesses. Cabe acrescentar que, nesse período, grande parte da imprensa, órgãos governamentais e a elite que detinha o poder consideravam o comunismo uma ameaça à sociedade brasileira. Apoiando as medidas excepcionais advindas do governo Vargas, justificadas pelo combate ao "perigo bolchevique", o jornal, que sempre se colocou como defensor das liberdades democráticas, declarava abdicar, temporariamente, de seus ideais, para garantir a ordem social. Para os representantes do jornal, a manutenção da "paz social" pautava-se pela completa eliminação dos "inimigos da propriedade privada", ou seja, os comunistas, e pelo controle político e ideológico da classe operária, o que, em si, revela o caráter autoritário e excludente da doutrina liberal. O apoio ao fortalecimento do governo custaria, ao periódico em análise, a possibilidade de conquistar a hegemonia política e cultural no país como, também, a liberdade, quando o jornal foi ocupado pela polícia do Estado Novo / Abstract: This article discusses how the discourse produced by the periodical O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP) between 1930 and 1937, more specifically in 1935, chosen for analysis, could influence public opinion, if not form it, through a journalistic practice fraught with ideological conceptions and gaming interests, this a time when communism was considered by many media, government and the elite that held power, a threat to Brazilian society. Supporting exceptional measures resulting from the Vargas government, justified by the fight against "Bolshevik danger," the newspaper, which has always positioned himself as defender of democratic freedoms declared surrender, temporarily, his ideals to ensure social order. For the representatives of the newspaper, the maintenance of "social peace" was guided by the complete elimination of the "enemies of private property," the Communists, and the ideological and political control of the working class, which reveals the authoritarian character of the liberal doctrine and exclusionary . Support to strengthening government cost them not only the possibility of achieving political and cultural hegemony in the country as also the freedom, when the paper was occupied by the New State Police / Mestre

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This thesis aims to provide a new perspective on the British Liberal Party during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries via an analysis of pamphlet literature produced in support of the party. The period under investigation saw the fortunes of the Liberal Party move from being the principal rival of the Conservative Party to one of three competing for power, with the Labour Party emerging as a party capable of forming a government. The thesis aims to contribute to scholarly debate on the subject by showing that there was indeed a ‘decline of Liberalism’ and ‘rise of Labour’, but that these themes can be best understood in terms of the appeals both parties made to the electorate. It will show that when analysed through the literature they or their supporters produced to win over voters, the Liberal Party can be seen to have failed to adapt to a shifting electorate, and that they did not react to developing critiques of Liberalism from the Labour Party and its constituent bodies in sufficient time to prevent Labour establishing itself as a credible party of government, thus removing one of the Liberal Party’s main advantages over Labour. The thesis will use a close analysis of the text contained within a sample of Liberal Party pamphlet literature to show that the party had particular problems when addressing itself to working-class voters, who became an increasingly important section of the electorate following franchise extensions in 1867, 1884 and 1918. It will show that the Liberal Party constructed their appeals to working-class voters using a constructed figure, which will be termed the ‘Liberal Working Man’, who was possessed of particular characteristics which made him suitable to hold the vote. The ‘Liberal Working Man’ was both conceived within models of political behaviour deriving from ‘whiggish’ forms of political history and also appealed to by using narratives of political history which stressed the need for him to support the Liberal Party. The thesis will show that the Liberals did nor realise until too late that their understanding of the working-class electorate was flawed and had contributed to the emergence of the Labour critique of their party, by which time the First World War had created a series of practical problems which hampered the party’s attempts to maintain working-class support. The Liberal Party will be shown to have been put into a position whereby its pamphlet appeals could no longer rely on the old assumptions with regards working-class electoral behaviour, and proved incapable of providing an adequate replacement for the concept in their attempts to garner support through electoral literature.

The Marquis of Hastings’s decision in 1818 to repeal the censorship of Calcutta’s presses led many to believe the Governor General had inaugurated press freedom in Bengal, the political and intellectual centre of Britain’s Eastern Empire. With the steady inflow of non-Company merchants to India following the Charter Act of 1813, the East India Company was faced with the challenge of defending its remaining privileges, while simultaneously consolidating its newly acquired territories and developing enduring structures of governance. Building upon the work of Peter Marshall and Christopher Bayly, this thesis concentrates on the press debates of the early 1820s in order to highlight the Company’s role in preventing the emergence of an Anglo-Indian public sphere in Calcutta. Drawing on the experiences of Mirza Abu Taleb, James Silk Buckingham, and Rammohun Roy, this thesis also demonstrates the essentially transnational influences that informed these debates, while focusing on the interaction between Britons, Indians, and the Company’s military officers in Buckingham’s Calcutta Journal. It argues that despite the respective political ideologies of government officials, it was, in fact, primarily pragmatism that informed policy regarding free expression through print. In the wake of the Napoleonic and Revolutionary Wars, administrators worked to isolate and silence dissenting voices to prevent the outbreak of rebellion or independence movements, and the increasing engagement between Indians, Britons, and members of the Army proved too great a threat to Company-rule.

Bibliography: leaves 253-264. / Whereas an extensive literature has developed on the broad conditions of crisis in South Africa in the seventies and eighties, and on the dynamic of state and popular responses to it, little focus has fallen on the reactions of the other key elements among the dominating classes. It is the aim of this dissertation to attempt to address an aspect of this lacuna by focussing on the Progressive Federal Party's responses from 1981 until 1989. The thesis develops an understanding of the period as one entailing conditions of organic crisis. It attempts to show the PFP's behaviour in the context of structural and conjunctural crises. The thesis periodises the Party's policy and strategic responses and makes an effort to show its contradictory nature. An effort is made to understand this contradictory character in terms of the party's class location with respect to the white dominating classes and leading elements within it; in relation to the black dominated classes; as well as in terms of the liberal tradition within which the Party operated.

This dissertation examines how the city of Chicago—its social and economic conditions, its liberal discourse, and its cultural symbolism—shaped the evolution of modern liberalism. Relying on historical and literary critical methods, this project draws on writings, speeches, articles, letters, and novels to analyze the social thought of Jane Addams, Ida B. Wells-Barnett, John Dewey, Ray Stannard Baker, Theodore Dreiser, and other reformers. In the 1890s, disputes between workers and employers led many liberal Chicagoans to conceive of social strain—and the notion of class—in terms of labor-capital relations. During the 1900s, however, the rising profile of interracial violence in Chicago and across the Midwest spurred some white liberal Chicagoans to acknowledge, as black reformers had long argued, that racial prejudice fueled economic conflicts. This ideological trend sparked a national conversation on racial equality and inspired new forms of interracial association, yet it also re-inscribed discriminatory attitudes towards African Americans and encouraged white liberals to view racism as an economic, not a cultural, problem. Ultimately, this conceptual shift was short-lived. By 1920, white reformers had subsumed the pursuit of racial equality within their crusade for economic justice, and Chicago had become an ambivalent symbol of democracy that evoked the advance of organized labor and the failure of racial liberalism. Chapter one describes how liberal Chicagoans developed a way of thinking that was investigative, pragmatic, class-oriented, and Chicago-centric and that downplayed the social significance of racial tensions. Chapter two explores how the Pullman Strike of 1894 caused white liberal Chicagoans to narrow their conception of class to its economic aspects. Chapters three and four analyze how race riots and interracial strike warfare in the Midwest prompted some white reformers to recognize how racial antagonism shaped industrial relations. As a result of these social currents, white and black liberals formed new organizations dedicated to protecting black civil rights even as presidential politics exposed the limits of racial liberalism. Chapter five discusses how race riots in St. Louis and Chicago led white liberals to reframe their thinking on class conflict by turning away from further analysis of its racial dimensions. / 2021-05-31

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