Previous research shows that there is a demand of enhancing our understanding about the local actor as a mechanism for peacebuilding, suggesting a need for further investigation about the phenomena amid the growing complexity and decentralization of scenes in conflict. The research in this study draws together empirical data on an informal local peace committee (LPC) conducted in Laikipia, northern Kenya; a county which have experienced a multitude of conflict dynamics recently involving state and non-state actors, to know more about their role as local peacebuilders. The case is analyzed through the analytical framework of Peace Formation that have been constructed via feasible ‘post-liberal peace’ components emphasizing local agency in relation to their socio-political environment in order to maintain sustainable processes of peace on the ground. Findings shows that the informal LPC have filled a conflict management and governance vacuum by emerging; and resting on; traditional structures and critical social networks, while at the same time adjusting its services to new landscapes of conflict through illiberal practices, in turn providing explanatory power to the conditions set forward by the analytical framework. Though, findings also reveal that the informal LPC faces several challenges enforced coercively through security forces, political interests by the Kenyan Government, and even the UN-backed peace infrastructure itself. Consequently, the informal LPC expressed retaliation through violence and became accordingly an actor that enforced cycles of conflict on several fronts, instead of just working for peace. Thus, the role of the local actor as a mechanism for peacebuilding remains uncertain in this research, due to the articulation of both peace and conflict activities. In this, a new concept is briefly highlighted for the reader that seeks to move beyond static views of locality, termed ‘grey peacebuilding’.

Local Peace Committees (LPCs) have emerged as adequate infrastructures for fostering peace in conflict-affected countries. The role of LPCs in facilitating peacebuilding is recognized in countries like Kenya, Burundi and Colombia. However, a significant gap exists in our understanding of the factors that enhance LPCs' capacity to resolve pastoral communal conflicts. This thesis aims to fill this gap by addressing the question: Why are some Local Peace Committees able to resolve pastoral communal conflicts while others are not? I propose that LPCs that receive continuous external funding have an increased capacity to resolve communal conflict compared to those with limited external funding. To test this theoretical argument, I conduct a study on two LPCs in Kenya. The findings of my study provide moderate support to the hypotheses tested. I attribute this moderate support to the small sample size, methodological limitations, and other confounding variables, such as local ownership and the country's supportive political environment. This study underscores the need to investigate additional factors that contribute to the increased capacity of LPCs, such as non-financial support( training and workshops).

Peace communities are an “organized and sustained civilian mobilization in the midst of civil war to declare neutrality and to purposely end or prevent violent conflict in their community” (Kaplan. 2017). Scholars have long believed peace community could scale up from local oriented peace to connect to national peace processes but have overlooked the relationship between peace communities and their government. This study asks Why do governments respect the rules and boundaries of some peace communities and not others? I hypothesize that governments are more likely to respect peace communities with higher levels of cohesion, and more likely to disrespect less cohesive peace communities. I conduct a structured focused comparison study to test three empirical cases from the Philippines, comparing three first generation peace zones. I found some support for my hypothesis and causal mechanism. I then tested another empirical case from Colombia and found additional support for my hypothesis but not for my causal mechanism. Overall, this study presents a new theoretical framework, introduces a new dependent variable for measuring peace communities, and provids insight into the often under-researched first generation Philippine peace zones.